
The Chuck ToddCast
iHeartPodcasts·Hosted by Chuck Todd·496 episodes
The Chuck ToddCast is back! If you're looking for smart, no-nonsense political conversation, you've come to the right place. The Chuck ToddCast goes beyond the headlines, featuring conversations with top reporters, insiders, and newsmakers from D.C. to the heartland. No scripts, no spin—just real discussions about what’s shaping our politics and why it matters.
Why listen
The Chuck ToddCast gives political junkies a long-form version of Chuck Todd's news brain, with blunt opening monologues, reporter conversations, and interviews with people who know the machinery of American politics from the inside. It is best for listeners who want current U.S. politics, elections, courts, media, foreign policy, and institutional dysfunction discussed with more context than a cable-news segment allows.
Episodes
With just 105 days until the 2026 midterms, Chuck Todd and Chris Cillizza use their last Super Tuesday before the sub-100-day mark to take stock of what they think they know. The headline: with Trump's approval stuck below 40, gas back over $4, an Iran conflict reigniting, and an ICE controversy dominating the news, nearly every fundamental points toward Republicans losing both chambers — and the guys argue the only thing standing between Democrats and a monster year is the Democrats themselves. They dig deep into the polling weeds, unpacking why the generic ballot has quietly become more of a party-ID number, why you can't compare it across cycles anymore, why independents are breaking hard left, and what to make of the model giving Democrats a 62% shot at the House while Republicans hold a 59% edge in the Senate. From there it's onto the races reshaping the map: South Carolina, where Trump ally Russell Frye jumps into the special and Lindsey Graham's appointed sister surprises everyone by running for a full term — a rare bit of GOP pragmatism that hands John Thune a much-needed win — and Maine, where Troy Jackson is set to be coronated at the Democratic convention and the ICE story has erased Susan Collins's post-Platner breathing room. Chuck and Chris also weigh the stalled Todd Blanche confirmation, the $400 million Qatari plane suddenly deemed too unsafe to fly, and why character and temperament remain the whole ballgame. Then they close on LeBron's looming decision — Heat, Cavs, or Sixers — and Chuck plugs the summer slate across the "Chuck Todd expanded universe." Timeline: 00:00 105 days out from the midterms 02:07 Why August, not July, is when politics really kicks off 03:01 Why campaigns no longer wait for Labor Day to run their hits 04:34 Trump's approval is stuck below 40 a recipe for losing both chambers 05:44 ICE story erases whatever Collins got from the Platner disaster 06:49 Democrats are more motivated 07:23 Arizona Republicans line up to nominate a candidate who can't win 08:08 Trump's primetime speech relitigating 2020 09:26 GOP candidates on the trail are running as far from Trump as possible 10:50 Trump is too lazy to be a dictator 11:54 On 2020, Trump is on an island — even his own party won't follow 14:14 The history: 20 of the last 22 midterms punish the president's party 15:05 The generic ballot vs. 2018 and 2010, for reference 15:51 Why the generic ballot is now really a party-ID number 17:31 Trust the trend lines, not the raw numbers 19:59 The StateNavigate Georgia poll that floored them 20:49 Why Democrats peak in summer polling 22:19 A smarter "informed ballot" experiment using Google search results 24:36 Democrats 62% to win the House, Republicans 59% to hold the Senate 25:20 Why the Senate number is lower than it should be 26:54 Iowa as the 50-yard lin
Chuck Todd opens with a story that seems small and turns out to be a perfect miniature of everything wrong with this Pentagon: a Blue Angels flyover at Pensacola Beach came in too low, the pilot who made the honest mistake felt terrible about it — and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, without bothering to establish a single fact about what happened, seized the moment to gloat and own the libs. Chuck calls Hegseth an absolute clown and a fake soldier, argues the incident is a window into a Pentagon where the boss cares more about winning an online argument than about the safety of the people he commands, and where the entire "military testosterone" discourse — Hegseth's fixation on creating "supertrooper" fighting men is both dumb and genuinely dangerous. His verdict: a great American military culture is being actively degraded. He extends the same argument to ICE, where the violence has been entirely predictable — the officer involved in the latest shooting had enormous red flags in his background, and the agency appears to have no meaningful vetting process at all. He also explains why, contrary to much of the commentary, he wasn't alarmed by Trump's primetime election-denial address: it was a nothingburger. Trump has no evidence, which is why he keeps turning to cranks — his endorsement of Mike Lindell tells you everything — and there's no policy response attached to his own foreign-interference allegations, since China has faced no sanction whatsoever for what Trump claims it did. He argues American elections are extraordinarily hard to overturn precisely because the system is decentralized, that Trump is too lazy to become a Putin or a Mao… A more disciplined president would frighten Chuck far more. Chuck sees a forever war taking shape in Iran: the strategy amounts to throwing kinetic weight at the problem and hoping the regime collapses, while Iran fights the asymmetric war it always planned, targeting Gulf states and now civilian survival infrastructure — hitting desalination plants could trigger a crisis lasting years — and nobody in Washington actually knows how to win. He closes with a genuinely important profile of Undersecretary Elbridge Colby, the intellectual architect of the new right's foreign policy and a favorite of JD Vance, whose vision of American retreat from its allies would effectively be the policy of a President Vance: Colby has trashed Mark Carney's "middle power" strategy and declared that no country is entitled to the American defense industry — which, notes, misses that buying military hardware is a 30-year bet on trusting an ally, and middle powers who conclude they can be coerced by Washington will simply take their money somewhere else. Quick hits on a messy Wisconsin governor's race (Tony Evers built no infrastructure and left no obvious heir in one of the country's most misunderstood swing states) and Tuesday's Arizona primary round things out. Finally, Chuck hops into the ToddCast Time Machine t
Chuck Todd opens with a story that seems small and turns out to be a perfect miniature of everything wrong with this Pentagon: a Blue Angels flyover at Pensacola Beach came in too low, the pilot who made the honest mistake felt terrible about it — and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, without bothering to establish a single fact about what happened, seized the moment to gloat and own the libs. Chuck calls Hegseth an absolute clown and a fake soldier, argues the incident is a window into a Pentagon where the boss cares more about winning an online argument than about the safety of the people he commands, and where the entire "military testosterone" discourse — Hegseth's fixation on creating "supertrooper" fighting men is both dumb and genuinely dangerous. His verdict: a great American military culture is being actively degraded. He extends the same argument to ICE, where the violence has been entirely predictable — the officer involved in the latest shooting had enormous red flags in his background, and the agency appears to have no meaningful vetting process at all. He also explains why, contrary to much of the commentary, he wasn't alarmed by Trump's primetime election-denial address: it was a nothingburger. Trump has no evidence, which is why he keeps turning to cranks — his endorsement of Mike Lindell tells you everything — and there's no policy response attached to his own foreign-interference allegations, since China has faced no sanction whatsoever for what Trump claims it did. He argues American elections are extraordinarily hard to overturn precisely because the system is decentralized, that Trump is too lazy to become a Putin or a Mao… A more disciplined president would frighten Chuck far more. Chuck sees a forever war taking shape in Iran: the strategy amounts to throwing kinetic weight at the problem and hoping the regime collapses, while Iran fights the asymmetric war it always planned, targeting Gulf states and now civilian survival infrastructure — hitting desalination plants could trigger a crisis lasting years — and nobody in Washington actually knows how to win. He closes with a genuinely important profile of Undersecretary Elbridge Colby, the intellectual architect of the new right's foreign policy and a favorite of JD Vance, whose vision of American retreat from its allies would effectively be the policy of a President Vance: Colby has trashed Mark Carney's "middle power" strategy and declared that no country is entitled to the American defense industry — which, notes, misses that buying military hardware is a 30-year bet on trusting an ally, and middle powers who conclude they can be coerced by Washington will simply take their money somewhere else. Quick hits on a messy Wisconsin governor's race (Tony Evers built no infrastructure and left no obvious heir in one of the country's most misunderstood swing states) and Tuesday's Arizona primary round things out. Then, bestselling novelist Daniel Silva — creator of
Bestselling novelist Daniel Silva — creator of the Gabriel Allon series — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a conversation that starts with the craft of spy fiction and quickly becomes something closer to a threat assessment. Silva's newest plot turns on drones, and he's blunt that this isn't speculative: he believes it's a matter of time before a drone carries out an assassination or a mass-casualty attack. He talks about the strange responsibility of writing a fictional event that could plausibly happen next month, why he deliberately withholds visual detail so readers build the scene themselves, and what he learned reporting out how modern kidnappings and ransom negotiations actually work. The darker current running underneath is his read on American intelligence: the FBI is no longer the same place, the U.S. is jettisoning allies and hollowing out its agencies, and Silva poses the question a novelist is uniquely positioned to ask — if you're the GRU right now, where would you most want an asset placed? He notes that the best assets often don't know they're assets, that NATO held a crisis meeting about Trump, and that this is precisely the moment to be putting the screws to a vulnerable Putin, since Ukraine has victory in sight and isn't desperate for any deal. The conversation turns personal when Chuck asks how Silva handles Israel's collapsing global reputation in a series built around an Israeli intelligence officer. Silva says the shift was entirely foreseeable, that he has no interest in writing about Gaza, and that what saddens him most is the "fortress Israel" mindset — a country founded on European-style socialist ideals now convinced it can go it alone, siloed from the world, while antisemitism surges globally in a way he warns only ever needs the right set of circumstances to reignite. He and Chuck range across the forces reshaping the century: giant corporations approaching the power of nation-states, a new generation of the ultra-wealthy who simply don't believe in philanthropy, AI's capacity to wipe out the knowledge economy, and Silva's conviction that the next great political crisis may be a climate-driven natural disaster — noting that the last major El Niño produced famines that killed millions, that today's migration patterns are already climate-driven, and that people are dying right now as a direct result of cutting humanitarian aid. He's unsparing on writing and AI), amused and appalled that Trump has turned the National Mall into a mess with a reflecting pool gone "Kermit green," and closes on the question every prolific novelist gets asked and rarely answers honestly: does he ever actually rest? Play ball and swing for the fences on FanDuel, an official partner of the MLB at https://FANDUEL.COM. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. <
Chuck Todd opens with the news that Trump is planning a primetime address to push election denialism, and uses it as a lens to examine how thoroughly fealty to the 2020 fraud lie has become the price of admission in Trump's Washington. He argues Todd Blanche should have no place in the Department of Justice, that he failed his test under questioning from John Cornyn, and that the weaponization fund could become the red line that finally moves Collins, Tillis, and Cornyn — because an inability to confirm Blanche would be a clear sign of Trump's weakening grip on the GOP. He points to the surreal spectacle of Jay Clayton refusing to answer Jon Ossoff's simple question of who won the 2020 election, looking like a ridiculous sycophant in the process, and to Trump endorsing MyPillow's Mike Lindell — the single biggest election conspiracy theorist in the country, a man who's lost every court case and been forced to pay $5 million over his false claims. He reminds listeners that it was Trump's own appointees who ran election security in 2020, that every major election denier from Giuliani on down has been forced to retract in court, and that Georgia's full hand recount matched the machines exactly — the only real constant in Trumpworld is that any outcome Trump dislikes gets branded fraud. He then turns to the mounting deaths during ICE encounters, arguing the violence isn't an anomaly but an entirely predictable consequence of an agency whose culture has been deliberately reshaped: DHS recruited candidates with violent psychological profiles using white nationalist slogans, imposed quotas that put officers under enormous stress, and pushed them into vehicle stops that former officials admit ICE has no experience conducting. In two fatal shootings the men killed weren't even the targets, witnesses have disputed the DHS account, there's no body cam footage, and Chuck argues DHS has zero credibility, even as Trump clearly wants the theater and the violent confrontations. On Iran, Chuck is blunt that having less leverage than before the war started is simply what losing a war looks like: the administration badly underestimated Iran's willingness to close the Strait of Hormuz, Iran deliberately decentralized its regime to survive decapitation strikes, and after three failed military strategies in five months, Trump has spent the entire war negotiating against himself — meaning the best America can now hope for is a managed stalemate, because Iran can't beat the U.S. military, it just has to wait out an increasingly impatient Trump. He closes on a lighter note with the House passing a bill to make daylight saving time permanent, offering the contrarian reminder that the public always wants permanent DST until they actually get it — kids forced to go to school in pitch darkness, and the simple reality that what's good for you in the evening is bad for someone else in the morning. Then, John Opdycke — founder and president of Open Primaries,
John Opdycke — founder and president of Open Primaries, one of the leading organizations pushing to end closed partisan primaries — joins the Chuck Toddcast to make the case that the exclusion of independent voters is one of the great overlooked scandals of American democracy. Opdycke walks through the byzantine patchwork of voter and party registration rules that vary wildly by state, explains why so many independents sit out partisan primaries entirely, and argues that after 30 years of closed primaries the cumulative effect has been a system where the parties function as both the umpires and the players — a structure that simply doesn't work. He makes the bipartisan argument that tax dollars shouldn't fund the private nominating contests of what are essentially private organizations, and is pointedly critical of Democrats for actively fighting open primary initiatives.He notes that policies with 80% public support routinely fail to pass because voters don't actually have a meaningful say. The conversation turns tactical and forward-looking, with Opdycke offering a sober assessment of the broader reform landscape and its persistent failures. He argues the ranked-choice voting movement has made serious tactical errors, that the party in power always fights ranked choice voting, and that the modern reform and independent movement suffers from a fundamental lack of a compelling public face — as well as from philanthropic funders who attach outcome expectations that distort the work. Opdycke is candid that third parties fare poorly in nearly every electoral system, that Ross Perot's Reform Party is now essentially a shell, and that the American people still don't trust the reform movement — but he sees real opportunity in specific fights, particularly mobilizing Florida's independents to change the law and pursuing top-two systems that would genuinely open the door to competition. He notes the striking statistic that 10,000 people per week are changing their voter registration, laments the general lack of curiosity (and polling) about who swing voters actually are, and argues there's meaningful left-right overlap among libertarians that reformers could tap. They explore whether the redistricting wars could create a backlash against the two-party system, why there are only about 25 competitive House districts left, and why several states are now actually moving back toward closed primaries. They close with a clear-eyed take on 2028: the reform movement needs a credible presidential candidate, and with 2028 shaping up to be a wild and unpredictable year, the opening for that kind of disruption may be wider than it's been in decades. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365
Chuck Todd opens with the news that Trump is planning a primetime address to push election denialism, and uses it as a lens to examine how thoroughly fealty to the 2020 fraud lie has become the price of admission in Trump's Washington. He argues Todd Blanche should have no place in the Department of Justice, that he failed his test under questioning from John Cornyn, and that the weaponization fund could become the red line that finally moves Collins, Tillis, and Cornyn — because an inability to confirm Blanche would be a clear sign of Trump's weakening grip on the GOP. He points to the surreal spectacle of Jay Clayton refusing to answer Jon Ossoff's simple question of who won the 2020 election, looking like a ridiculous sycophant in the process, and to Trump endorsing MyPillow's Mike Lindell — the single biggest election conspiracy theorist in the country, a man who's lost every court case and been forced to pay $5 million over his false claims. He reminds listeners that it was Trump's own appointees who ran election security in 2020, that every major election denier from Giuliani on down has been forced to retract in court, and that Georgia's full hand recount matched the machines exactly — the only real constant in Trumpworld is that any outcome Trump dislikes gets branded fraud. He then turns to the mounting deaths during ICE encounters, arguing the violence isn't an anomaly but an entirely predictable consequence of an agency whose culture has been deliberately reshaped: DHS recruited candidates with violent psychological profiles using white nationalist slogans, imposed quotas that put officers under enormous stress, and pushed them into vehicle stops that former officials admit ICE has no experience conducting. In two fatal shootings the men killed weren't even the targets, witnesses have disputed the DHS account, there's no body cam footage, and Chuck argues DHS has zero credibility, even as Trump clearly wants the theater and the violent confrontations. On Iran, Chuck is blunt that having less leverage than before the war started is simply what losing a war looks like: the administration badly underestimated Iran's willingness to close the Strait of Hormuz, Iran deliberately decentralized its regime to survive decapitation strikes, and after three failed military strategies in five months, Trump has spent the entire war negotiating against himself — meaning the best America can now hope for is a managed stalemate, because Iran can't beat the U.S. military, it just has to wait out an increasingly impatient Trump. He closes on a lighter note with the House passing a bill to make daylight saving time permanent, offering the contrarian reminder that the public always wants permanent DST until they actually get it — kids forced to go to school in pitch darkness, and the simple reality that what's good for you in the evening is bad for someone else in the morning. Finally, Chuck presents his ToddCast Top 5 list of profession
Chris Cillizza and Chuck Todd open on a jolting weekend in politics: the sudden death of Lindsey Graham and the frantic — and faintly unseemly — scramble to replace him. Rather than relitigate Graham through the usual partisan lens, the guys argue that his loss, alongside the coming departures of Cornyn, Tillis, Cassidy, Durbin and others, amounts to a gutting of the Senate's dealmaking center, and they lay out their favorite framework for understanding him: the difference between "ideologues" and "politicians," and why the politicians are the ones who actually get things passed. They break down the near-term fallout for Trump, who just lost his most effective back-channel to skeptical senators and to Ukraine, and handicap the wide-open South Carolina race — from Henry McMaster's likely caretaker appointment to a crowded August primary featuring Pamela Evette, Nancy Mace, and a possible Trey Gowdy compromise play. From there it's on to two health stories the news cycle nearly buried — the mystery around Mitch McConnell's fall, pneumonia and rehab stay, and Trump's latest Walter Reed cognitive test — before a deep dive into Maine, where Susan Collins suddenly has no opponent after Graham Platner's exit and seven Democrats will fight it out at a 600-person nominating convention. Chuck and Chris debate whether Collins is now more or less vulnerable, take a spirited detour through New England blue bloods and Platner's "oyster farmer" branding, and skewer the knives-out world of political consultants. Then they close personal and sporty: their National Journal origin story, and a nerdy back-and-forth on the reinvented Home Run Derby, All-Star nostalgia, a World Baseball Classic pitch, and the Nats' latest heartbreak. Timeline: (Timestamps may vary based on advertisements) 00:00 Welcome to Super Tuesdays 01:29 Lindsey Graham dies Saturday night of an aortic rupture 02:01 When death hits mid-campaign, everything accelerates 03:59 The "humans vs. aliens" acting analogy, applied to politicians 04:43 Ideologues vs. politicians — and why Graham was the latter 05:42 Democratic senators genuinely liked working with Graham 06:21 The real story: the gutting of the Senate's dealmaking center 11:33 Graham would've been a Democrat if he'd grown up in Oregon 14:26 Near-term fallout — Graham was Thune & Trump's whisperer 14:59 Why Todd Blanche's confirmation just got harder 16:14 Zelensky lost his best Trump whisperer, too 17:30 Republicans have functionally lost control of the Senate 19:37 An open South Carolina Senate seat comes once a generation 22:09 South Carolina's factional GOP sets up a free-for-all 24:43 A full six-year term raises the stakes 29:06 Could Trey Gowdy be the compromise candidate? 31:02 What is going on with Mitch McConnell? 35:45 The buried health story: Trump's new Walter Reed cognitive test<
Chuck Todd devotes much of this episode to a rich, personal reflection on the death of Senator Lindsey Graham at 71 — a figure who can only be understood if you separate the ideologues from the pure politicians, because Graham was unambiguously the latter. Graham always wanted to be in the middle of the Republican Party, treated his Senate seat as something as precious to him as a spouse, and was a genuine political creature who could nonetheless work with everyone, partnering with both Trump and Obama across his career. Chuck shares personal memories — interviewing Graham alongside John McCain, the two of them giving outsized attention to the Steele Dossier; Graham losing his parents in his 20s and raising his 13-year-old sister; even reassuring Chuck’s own wife about her worries over Trump — and argues that Graham, for all his capitulations, actually served as one of the few moderating forces on Trump. He lays out the very real political fallout: Todd Blanche's confirmation as Attorney General is now in serious jeopardy, Graham leaves a massive vacuum in the GOP conference, and his South Carolina seat could actually be competitive for Democrat Annie Andrews if the Republican primary lurches far enough to the right. From there Chuck draws a series of parallels between American and British politics — Labour returning to power on a promise of competence and stability, Nigel Farage (like Trump) trying to convert political fame into personal wealth, and the satirical candidate "Count Binface" holding up a mirror to a political culture that has become pure theater — musing, only half-jokingly, that America could use its own Count Binface. Chuck closes on a sober note about the U.S.-Israel relationship, which he believes is heading for a real retreat: he recalls how close the region came to a two-state peace two decades ago, how the collapse of that moment allowed radicalism to escalate on both sides until each could argue the other doesn't want peace, and points to Rahm Emanuel's recent speech in Israel — warning that Israel must articulate a vision for what comes after the war or risk isolating itself from younger and moderate Americans — as the sound of someone trying to save a political center that vanishes the moment people conclude moderates don't have answers. Then, John Morgan — founder of Morgan & Morgan, one of the largest personal injury firms in the country & author of "Life is Luck: Lessons From a Paperboy and How to Improve Your Luck" joins the Chuck Toddcast for a wide-ranging conversation about civil litigation, the failures of government regulation, and his plan to launch a third party in Florida. Morgan makes the case that civil litigation has grown precisely because government has failed to regulate — social media is a genuine threat to human wellbeing (especially for children), monopolies are squeezing consumers, and processed foods, he argues, are the new tobacco: extremely harmful and ripe for legal reckoning. He off
Chuck Todd devotes much of this episode to a rich, personal reflection on the death of Senator Lindsey Graham at 71 — a figure who can only be understood if you separate the ideologues from the pure politicians, because Graham was unambiguously the latter. Graham always wanted to be in the middle of the Republican Party, treated his Senate seat as something as precious to him as a spouse, and was a genuine political creature who could nonetheless work with everyone, partnering with both Trump and Obama across his career. Chuck shares personal memories — interviewing Graham alongside John McCain, the two of them giving outsized attention to the Steele Dossier; Graham losing his parents in his 20s and raising his 13-year-old sister; even reassuring Chuck’s own wife about her worries over Trump — and argues that Graham, for all his capitulations, actually served as one of the few moderating forces on Trump. He lays out the very real political fallout: Todd Blanche's confirmation as Attorney General is now in serious jeopardy, Graham leaves a massive vacuum in the GOP conference, and his South Carolina seat could actually be competitive for Democrat Annie Andrews if the Republican primary lurches far enough to the right. From there Chuck draws a series of parallels between American and British politics — Labour returning to power on a promise of competence and stability, Nigel Farage (like Trump) trying to convert political fame into personal wealth, and the satirical candidate "Count Binface" holding up a mirror to a political culture that has become pure theater — musing, only half-jokingly, that America could use its own Count Binface. Chuck closes on a sober note about the U.S.-Israel relationship, which he believes is heading for a real retreat: he recalls how close the region came to a two-state peace two decades ago, how the collapse of that moment allowed radicalism to escalate on both sides until each could argue the other doesn't want peace, and points to Rahm Emanuel's recent speech in Israel — warning that Israel must articulate a vision for what comes after the war or risk isolating itself from younger and moderate Americans — as the sound of someone trying to save a political center that vanishes the moment people conclude moderates don't have answers. Finally, Chuck hops into the ToddCast Time Machine to break down the messy build up and coalitions involved in the Spanish civil war, and what lessons modern America can take from it. He also answers listeners’ questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment and make a proposal for a change to the baseball Hall of Fame. From the opening whistle to the final kick. Bet on a match and get bonus bets for every goal scored at Fanduel.com Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardro
John Morgan — founder of Morgan & Morgan, one of the largest personal injury firms in the country & author of "Life is Luck: Lessons From a Paperboy and How to Improve Your Luck" joins the Chuck Toddcast for a wide-ranging conversation about civil litigation, the failures of government regulation, and his plan to launch a third party in Florida. Morgan makes the case that civil litigation has grown precisely because government has failed to regulate — social media is a genuine threat to human wellbeing (especially for children), monopolies are squeezing consumers, and processed foods, he argues, are the new tobacco: extremely harmful and ripe for legal reckoning. He offers a candid, colorful assessment of his former firm member RFK Jr. — "smart and crazy," a man who falls down some rabbit holes but also champions legitimate causes — and walks through the thorny reality that vaccine makers enjoy total indemnity while sovereign immunity exists in some form in all 50 states. Morgan is refreshingly honest about the ethics of his own industry, arguing that ads gloating about settlement numbers are a mistake because the real goal of a settlement is to give someone back something they lost, not to celebrate a payday. The heart of the conversation is Morgan's plan to launch a new third party in Florida called "Common Ground," rooted in his conviction that the two-party system itself is what's fundamentally broken in America. Morgan argues that moderates should function as the tiebreakers in a polarized system — that picking up just a few seats could turn an uncommitted moderate bloc into a genuine fulcrum of power in Congress — and explains why he'd rather build something new than partner with the existing Forward Party. He handicaps Florida's political landscape with an insider's candor: Byron Donalds likely wins the governorship but it'll be close, the Charlie Crist party-switch playbook never worked, and he's genuinely unsure whether voters can find David Jolly credible after his own party change.. Morgan laments that too many people now enter politics for the pension and salary rather than public service, criticizes DeSantis for appointing cronies as university presidents, and argues age limits are overdue because government should be about the future and very few politicians remain effective past 70. Along the way he explains why he thinks Texas Democrats fielded a more viable ticket than Florida's (James Talarico, he says, simply has "it"), why Andy Beshear won in Kentucky, why charter schools are about money rather than choice, and why DeSantis's property tax proposal could become a Brexit-style case study in voters making decisions that make no sense once the consequences arrive. Get John's book here https://www.amazon.com/Audible-Life-is-Luck/dp/B0H2K52H4G/ref=sr_1_1?crid=LF7S7OGAT46F&dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.CaRKVB4mHJGTS0bVFd7ONcU6YfsmpGl_tDncLiWRzCNecvHPOVtdrMbXsFl_LNyLxyW8nLRxXL3j5wdKGrHq7hSKazupgR14cC3u74xjkQpTUw2_xdJsVkC21K
Chuck Todd reflects on the death of Senator Lindsey Graham at 71, offering a candid assessment of one of the most complex and consequential figures in modern Republican politics. Todd argues that Graham was never really an ideologue — he was a man who wanted to be in the middle of everything, whose true north was international affairs, and who ultimately pivoted to Trump as a means of political survival because he loved his Senate seat more than almost anything. Todd breaks down the very real chaos Graham's death could unleash: it may complicate or even sink Todd Blanche's confirmation as Attorney General, and it's certain to trigger a crowded scramble of South Carolina Republicans racing to replace him. Timeline: 00:00 Senator Lindsey Graham dead at 71 00:45 Everyone had their theory for Graham’s motivations 02:00 Graham wasn’t an ideologue, wanted to be involved in everything 02:45 Graham pivoted to Trump for political survival 03:30 International affairs were Graham’s north star 04:30 He loved his senate seat more than almost anything 05:15 Graham’s death will cause some chaos 06:00 This might mean Todd Blanche doesn’t get confirmed as AG 06:30 There will be a LOT of Republicans running to replace him See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Chuck Todd opens with the Iran war back on and the rug pulled out from under the world economy once again — but his central argument is that this is now the biggest broken campaign promise in 40 years. He draws a crucial distinction between ordinary campaign lies and genuinely major broken promises: "build the wall" was a broken promise that didn't much hurt Trump, but "no new wars" was foundational to his appeal, and the Iran calamity is now actively damaging the economy and making everyday life harder for the voters who trusted him. He notes candidate Trump was actually right that an Iran war would be irresponsible, that securing anything would require a months- or years-long ground commitment Trump won't make, and that the president was so consumed with keeping his birthday celebration on schedule that he tried to time the war around it. Marco Rubio, as always, has vanished now that things are going badly. Todd flags the NATO meetings underway in Turkey (a complicated ally Trump only engages because he and Erdogan play by the same strongman rules), marvels that Trump remains inexplicably sympathetic to a Putin who has never been weaker, and warns that all of it is making Americans less safe. He then turns to the Maine Senate race, which has become a genuine debacle: Todd argues Graham Platner was caught in a clear lie to Democratic senators about Jenny Racicot — who has said publicly she believes Platner sexually assaulted her — and that Platner knew both what she believed and that she was talking to reporters. Todd is emphatic that the lies need to be called out, that leaning into misogyny is no way to win back working-class white men, and that progressives cannot let Trump set the bar for acceptable character. He frames the whole primary through the fighter-versus-winner divide, notes this could be the second high-profile Bernie-endorsed candidate to lose (raising the stakes for Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan and underscoring how much harder it is for progressives to win statewide), and argues the progressive left urgently needs to get its house in order. Todd closes with two intriguing threads: the swirling rumors about Mitch McConnell's health and status (his seat is on the ballot in November, and Kentucky's legislature changed its vacancy-appointment law in a way that may violate the state constitution but has never been tested in court), and the escalating fight between the Trump administration and the Smithsonian — where Todd concedes the administration had a couple of fair critiques but argues that its core complaint, that the museum is "woke" for simply asking questions about history, amounts to demanding the Smithsonian swap one alleged ideology for an openly right-wing one, when the honest approach to contested history is simply to present the facts and let people interpret them. Then, legendary Democratic strategist Tad Devine — a senior adviser to Bernie Sanders' 2016 campaign and a veteran of multiple presidential
Legendary Democratic strategist Tad Devine — a senior adviser to Bernie Sanders' 2016 campaign and a veteran of multiple presidential campaigns — joins the Chuck Toddcast with a new book and a provocative thesis: the Democratic Party actively screwed Bernie Sanders, and in doing so screwed itself. Devine says he got angrier and angrier as he wrote the book, revisiting how Sanders couldn't get booked on the Sunday shows for years, how the nominating process was rigged in Hillary Clinton's favor by a party establishment that gave far too much weight to insiders and superdelegates, and how roughly half of Obama's 2008 supporters migrated to Bernie in 2016. Devine wrestles honestly with the central tension of Sanders' relationship to the party: Bernie would never actually register as a Democrat (unlike Zohran Mamdani, who embraced the label), begrudgingly agreeing only to put "Democrat" next to his name, describing his agenda as the "second agenda of Benjamin Franklin" and understanding perfectly well that the word "socialism" is toxic to many voters even as he refused to abandon it. The what-ifs are tantalizing: Devine argues that if Bernie had been declared the winner of Iowa on caucus night in 2016, the whole race might have unfolded differently, and that if Sanders had won the first three states, the establishment would have mobilized to stop him by any means necessary. The conversation broadens into a sweeping critique of how Democrats choose their nominees and what the party needs to reform. Devine argues the party must give voters far more control over nominations, that the primary calendar is one of the most important and underappreciated parts of the entire process, and that independents should be allowed to participate in either party's primary rather than being forced to register months in advance. He credits Sanders with hitting on the enduring insight that the system is rigged against working people — a message supercharged after the Supreme Court unleashed the flood of money into politics following Obama's election — and makes the striking counterfactual case that Bernie would have beaten Trump in 2016 because, unlike Hillary Clinton, he could credibly run as a change candidate, and the white working-class vote wouldn't have broken so heavily toward Trump. Devine muses that Sherrod Brown would have made a strong running mate for Sanders, wonders aloud whether Bernie would ever have said yes to Clinton as a running mate, and argues that electing Bernie would have been a powerful national reckoning. He's clear-eyed about the party's deeper problem — the DNC is fundamentally risk-averse, and politics is about taking risks. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 36
Chuck Todd opens with the Iran war back on and the rug pulled out from under the world economy once again — but his central argument is that this is now the biggest broken campaign promise in 40 years. He draws a crucial distinction between ordinary campaign lies and genuinely major broken promises: "build the wall" was a broken promise that didn't much hurt Trump, but "no new wars" was foundational to his appeal, and the Iran calamity is now actively damaging the economy and making everyday life harder for the voters who trusted him. He notes candidate Trump was actually right that an Iran war would be irresponsible, that securing anything would require a months- or years-long ground commitment Trump won't make, and that the president was so consumed with keeping his birthday celebration on schedule that he tried to time the war around it. Marco Rubio, as always, has vanished now that things are going badly. Todd flags the NATO meetings underway in Turkey (a complicated ally Trump only engages because he and Erdogan play by the same strongman rules), marvels that Trump remains inexplicably sympathetic to a Putin who has never been weaker, and warns that all of it is making Americans less safe. He then turns to the Maine Senate race, which has become a genuine debacle: Todd argues Graham Platner was caught in a clear lie to Democratic senators about Jenny Racicot — who has said publicly she believes Platner sexually assaulted her — and that Platner knew both what she believed and that she was talking to reporters. Todd is emphatic that the lies need to be called out, that leaning into misogyny is no way to win back working-class white men, and that progressives cannot let Trump set the bar for acceptable character. He frames the whole primary through the fighter-versus-winner divide, notes this could be the second high-profile Bernie-endorsed candidate to lose (raising the stakes for Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan and underscoring how much harder it is for progressives to win statewide), and argues the progressive left urgently needs to get its house in order. Todd closes with two intriguing threads: the swirling rumors about Mitch McConnell's health and status (his seat is on the ballot in November, and Kentucky's legislature changed its vacancy-appointment law in a way that may violate the state constitution but has never been tested in court), and the escalating fight between the Trump administration and the Smithsonian — where Todd concedes the administration had a couple of fair critiques but argues that its core complaint, that the museum is "woke" for simply asking questions about history, amounts to demanding the Smithsonian swap one alleged ideology for an openly right-wing one, when the honest approach to contested history is simply to present the facts and let people interpret them. Finally, Chuck updates the ToddCast Top 5 most likely senate flips if Maine is off the board for Democrats post-Platner scandal and answers listener
Chuck Todd and J.A. Adande tell you the INCREDIBLE story behind Wimbledon. It didn't just become the most prestigious tournament in tennis—it helped create the sport we know today. From a croquet club raising money for a broken lawn roller to becoming one of the most iconic sporting events in the world, Wimbledon has shaped the rules, traditions, legends, and culture of modern tennis for nearly 150 years. Chuck and J.A. trace the full history of the tournament, from its Victorian origins to unforgettable champions like Roger Federer, Serena Williams, Björn Borg, Martina Navratilova, Pete Sampras, Billie Jean King, Althea Gibson, Novak Djokovic, Rafael Nadal, Venus Williams, and more. Along the way, we explore how Wimbledon changed tennis forever—and why the sport wouldn't be the same without it. Whether you're a lifelong tennis fan or just discovering the magic of Wimbledon, this is the story behind the world's most famous tennis tournament. Timeline:(Timestamps may vary based on ad placements) 00:00 How Wimbledon Created Modern Tennis 07:09 Federer vs. Nadal: The Greatest Match Ever? 11:37 The Surprising Origin of Wimbledon 22:50 Wimbledon's Traditions Explained 35:35 The First Wimbledon Champions 55:08 Why Everyone Wears White at Wimbledon 01:11:00 Rod Laver, Billie Jean King & the Open Era 01:28:55 Althea Gibson Breaks Tennis' Color Barrier 01:43:00 Breakfast at Wimbledon & America's Obsession 02:08:13 Borg vs. McEnroe & Tennis' Greatest Rivalries 02:29:36 Federer, Serena & the Greatest Champions 02:53:40 Our Wimbledon Mount Rushmore <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZCmGyVbXxxc&t=10870s" aria-label="3 hours, 1 minute,
Chris Cillizza and Chuck Todd launch Super Tuesdays — the now-on-every-feed version of the show they've been doing together — with a wide-ranging conversation that runs from Trump's self-centered Fourth of July to the summer's most consequential Senate primaries. First, Chris starts with the update that the USMNT lost to Belgium after President Trump intervened to get star striker Falorin Balogun’s red card overturned and wonders if Trump curses every sports team he involves himself with. He also weighs in on the latest developments surrounding Graham Platner. Then, the guys break down why Trump's 250th-anniversary flop and his eye-popping financial disclosure ($2.2 billion in his first year back, $1.4 billion of it from crypto) add up to what Chuck calls "late-stage Trumpism" — a president who's more isolated, less able to self-correct, and increasingly celebrating his own version of patriotism by himself. From there it's onto the world stage: Trump's trip to the NATO summit, his instinct to break the alliance, and why throwing a lifeline to a historically vulnerable Putin makes no strategic sense. The back half turns to the 2026 map and the 2028 shadow race. Chuck and Chris dig into Mallory McMorrow's exit and the now one-on-one Abdul El-Sayed–Haley Stevens fight in Michigan, the outsider-vs-insider dynamic driving Democratic primaries, and what the Black vote means from Detroit to Karen Bass's LA. They size up the Wes Moore–Pritzker–Buttigieg field, decode the Graham Platner drama in Maine and why Susan Collins stays chronically underrated, and offer a sharp consumer's guide to why the NYT and Fox polls tell such different stories. Then they close the way only these two would — Trump's alleged FIFA meddling ahead of USA–Belgium, a lesson on how corruption always comes back around, LeBron's next move, and a deep Nationals All-Star and trade-deadline dive. Timeline: 00:00 USMNT loses to Belgium 07:00 Welcome to Super Tuesdays 09:25 Chuck watched 90% of Trump's July 4th speech 09:45 How it compares to Reagan & the 1986 Statue of Liberty centennial 11:11 Gerald Ford's restrained 1976 bicentennial in an election year 11:31 Trump threw away years of 250th anniversary planning 12:44 Trump's financial disclosure: $2.2B in year one, $1.4B from crypto 13:16 The Trump Bible and the tchotchke economy 14:24 "You should've seen what they wanted to put in that disclosure" 15:45 No elected officials showed up to celebrate the 4th with Trump 16:46 Trump is celebrating his version of patriotism by himself 17:05 The K-shaped economy & why Trump is insulated from the 80% 18:37 The case that we've reached "late-stage Trumpism" 21:06 AI-written speeches Trump can't even stick to 22:00 Expect a staff exodus after the midterms 23:12 Trump will never give a "shellacking" concession speech 23:38 The GOP languag
Chuck Todd delivers a sweeping, big-picture meditation on the Trump era and where it's ultimately headed, arguing that despite the widespread conviction that Trump is teflon and that nothing will ever take him down, his presidency will end not with a bang but a whimper — and history won't remember it well. He predicts that a century from now Trump will be remembered somewhere between Grover Cleveland and Richard Nixon, and that his act, like every previous iteration of Trump, will eventually wear out its welcome with the public — because it always has, and he's already entered some version of lame-duck territory. The heart of the episode is Chuck’s astonishment at Trump's financial disclosure, which he calls a brazen catalog of impeachable offenses. His sharpest line reframes Trump's entire brand: he doesn't actually "own the libs" — he owns the people who send him money, and he's utterly oblivious to the plight of anyone who isn't rich. He closes on a genuinely searching note — observing that Trump is visibly aging and less sharp, that the country is tired of him and it's starting to show, that his single greatest fear is exposure and ridicule, and that he's proving to be nothing more than a grifter. Finally, Chuck hops into the ToddCast Time Machine to revisit the admission of several western states into the union and how it built the modern senate. He also answers listeners’ questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. For free and unbiased Medicare help, dial (980) 734-3985 to speak with my trusted partner, Chapter, or go to askchapter.org/chuck /*Paid Partnership Chapter and its affiliates are not connected with or endorsed by any government entity or the federal Medicare program. Chapter Advisory, LLC represents Medicare Advantage HMO, PPO, and PFFS organizations and stand alone prescription drug plans that have a Medicare contract. Enrollment depends on the plan’s contract renewal. While we have a database of every Medicare plan nationwide and can help you to search among all plans, we have contracts with many but not all plans. As a result, we do not offer every plan available in your area. Currently we represent 50 organizations which offer 18,160 products nationwide. We search and recommend all plans, even those we don’t directly offer. You can contact a licensed Chapter agent to find out the number of products available in your specific area. Please contact Medicare.gov, 1-800-Medicare, or your local State Health Insurance Program (SHIP) to get information on all of your options.</
Carolyn Ryan — deputy managing editor of The New York Times — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a candid conversation about the state of American journalism at a moment when the Times has become, as Ryan puts it, one of the last big independent organizations left in news. Ryan makes the case that serious journalism has become almost impossible without the resources the Times can still muster — deep-dive reporting requires enormous time, the best legal team in the business to withstand the threats and lawsuits now routinely aimed at the press, and an ownership structure insulated from market pressure. She's blunt about the difference the Ochs-Sulzberger family makes: newsrooms owned by publicly traded companies inevitably change their behavior to satisfy shareholders, while the family that controls the Times is, in her words, "ride or die" for journalism — a distinction that has never mattered more than it does now, even as she praises the excellent nonprofit newsrooms springing up around the country. Ryan explains how the Times is building regional reporting hubs and investing heavily in places like Texas on the theory that a truly national news organization needs a journalist in every state, why book reporting from stars like Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan often lands with more impact and candor than day-to-day breaking news, and how the paper decides which reporters get the coveted book leave that produces those deeper stories. The conversation gets into the harder editorial questions facing the Times in the Trump era. Ryan discusses the paper's major investment in a more rigorous polling and data operation , its aggressive push into video to reach younger audiences, and the perennial tension over whether there should be a brighter line between the newsroom and the opinion page — a separation the Times has tried to clarify through design changes and by being more transparent about its process. Ryan is thoughtful about one of the thorniest challenges in modern journalism: how to handle the obvious lies told by Trump and other political figures, explaining that to actually call something a "lie" you have to establish intent, that the audience cares enormously about how things are described, and that the language should always be direct and forthright without tipping into hysteria. She closes with a sharp critique of the Pentagon kicking out reporters and banning contact with unauthorized military members — a policy she argues is not only unconstitutional but a direct threat to the journalism that keeps the public informed about how its military actually operates. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. For free and unbiased Medicare help, dial (980) 734-3985 to speak with my trusted partner, Chapter, or go to askchapter.org/chuck </s
Chuck Todd delivers a sweeping, big-picture meditation on the Trump era and where it's ultimately headed, arguing that despite the widespread conviction that Trump is teflon and that nothing will ever take him down, his presidency will end not with a bang but a whimper — and history won't remember it well. He predicts that a century from now Trump will be remembered somewhere between Grover Cleveland and Richard Nixon, and that his act, like every previous iteration of Trump, will eventually wear out its welcome with the public — because it always has, and he's already entered some version of lame-duck territory. The heart of the episode is Chuck’s astonishment at Trump's financial disclosure, which he calls a brazen catalog of impeachable offenses. His sharpest line reframes Trump's entire brand: he doesn't actually "own the libs" — he owns the people who send him money, and he's utterly oblivious to the plight of anyone who isn't rich. He closes on a genuinely searching note — observing that Trump is visibly aging and less sharp, that the country is tired of him and it's starting to show, that his single greatest fear is exposure and ridicule, and that he's proving to be nothing more than a grifter. Then, Carolyn Ryan — deputy managing editor of The New York Times — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a candid conversation about the state of American journalism at a moment when the Times has become, as Ryan puts it, one of the last big independent organizations left in news. Ryan makes the case that serious journalism has become almost impossible without the resources the Times can still muster — deep-dive reporting requires enormous time, the best legal team in the business to withstand the threats and lawsuits now routinely aimed at the press, and an ownership structure insulated from market pressure. She's blunt about the difference the Ochs-Sulzberger family makes: newsrooms owned by publicly traded companies inevitably change their behavior to satisfy shareholders, while the family that controls the Times is, in her words, "ride or die" for journalism — a distinction that has never mattered more than it does now, even as she praises the excellent nonprofit newsrooms springing up around the country. Ryan explains how the Times is building regional reporting hubs and investing heavily in places like Texas on the theory that a truly national news organization needs a journalist in every state, why book reporting from stars like Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan often lands with more impact and candor than day-to-day breaking news, and how the paper decides which reporters get the coveted book leave that produces those deeper stories. The conversation gets into the harder editorial questions facing the Times in the Trump era. Ryan discusses the paper's major investment in a more rigorous polling and data operation , its aggressive push into video to reach younger audiences, and the perennial tension over whether there should be a bri
Chuck Todd delivers a genuinely heartfelt lament that America's 250th anniversary — a moment that should have been enormous — has been shrunk, cheapened, and ultimately ruined by a president who turned the country's birthday into his own political rally. He argues the American experiment is a remarkable achievement worth celebrating in full, that "a more perfect union" is the single greatest phrase in the founding documents precisely because it acknowledges the country is a perpetual work in progress, and that the 250th should have been a moment to celebrate American progress rather than run from American history — to recognize that America is fundamentally an idea rather than an ethnicity. Instead, Trump has made the nation's birthday about Donald Trump: he created his own version of the celebration, turned "The Great American Fair" into a dud, and once again demonstrated his belief that everyone and everything must accommodate him. He says he feels genuinely betrayed watching the brand of America get sullied and cheapened this way, and argues the country desperately needs a president capable of rising above himself — something Trump has proven, again and again, he simply cannot do. He finds a silver lining in the Supreme Court blocking Trump's attempt to end birthright citizenship, arguing it proves this is a conservative court but not purely a Trump court — though he's sharply critical of the Court's campaign finance ruling, which he frames as a straightforward bailout of the Republican Party.. He closes by looking ahead: the Colorado primaries raised the question of whether the DSA movement has truly broken through. Finally, he presents his ToddCast Top 5 list of the best fictional presidents seen on TV & movies and answers listeners’ questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment. From the opening whistle to the final kick. Bet on a match and get bonus bets for every goal scored at Fanduel.com Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. For free and unbiased Medicare help, dial (980) 734-3985 to speak with my trusted partner, Chapter, or go to askchapter.org/chuck /*Paid Partnership Chapter and its affiliates are not connected with or endorsed by any government entity or the federal Medicare program. Chapter Advisory, LLC represents Medicare Advantage HMO, PPO, and PFFS organizations and stand alone prescription drug plans that have a Medicare contract. Enrollment depends on the plan’s contract renewal. While we have a database of every Medicare plan nationwide and can help you to search among all plans, we have contracts with many but not all plans. As a result, we d
Debbie Cox Bultan — CEO of the NewDEAL, a network of center-left state and local elected officials focused on delivering results rather than fighting culture wars — joins the Chuck Toddcast to make the case for the unglamorous, often-overlooked pragmatic wing of the Democratic Party. Bultan argues that the center-left's defining challenge is structural and almost temperamental: moderates and pragmatists are, by their very nature, not the loud part of the coalition, which means they get drowned out. She rejects the premise that "fighting the other side" has to mean yelling, argues that governing effectively is still the best way for talented officials to rise through the ranks. Bultan notes a crucial asymmetry that gives her hope: the left has not actually dominated Democratic primaries the way the right has captured GOP primaries, in part because the perception of electability matters far more to base Democratic voters than it does to the Republican base — and she points to how even Mamdani's focus on affordability carried genuine cross-party appeal as evidence that pragmatic, results-oriented messaging still works. The conversation digs into the deeper tensions facing the party heading into a favorable 2026 and a wide-open 2028. Bultan introduces the concept of "pragmatic disruption" — the idea that the people who genuinely want to disrupt a broken system actually need government to work to do it. Bultan argues the leadership of key left-leaning interest groups has drifted much further left than the actual Democratic electorate, advises candidates to stop answering interest-group questionnaires that force them into litmus-test corners, and warns that base voters can become obsessed with issues only 1% of the electorate actually cares about. She frames this moment — with Trump as a uniquely norm-breaking figure and the country's 250th anniversary approaching — as the perfect opening for a serious conversation about democracy reform. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Timeline: (Timestamps may vary based on advertisements 00:00 Debbie Cox Bultan (New Deal Leaders) joins the Chuck ToddCast 02:00 What is the best way to describe the center-left? 03:30 New Deal is a group of center-left officials trying to deliver results 04:45 What’s different between New Deal and the DLCC? 05:15 Need to modernize progressive politics for the 21st century 06:45 Members don’t have to declare which part of coalition they are in 07:15 Governing effectively is the best way to rise up the ranks 08:30 The democratic pipeline for talent has proven to be effective 09:00 Want to support talented candid
Chuck Todd delivers a genuinely heartfelt lament that America's 250th anniversary — a moment that should have been enormous — has been shrunk, cheapened, and ultimately ruined by a president who turned the country's birthday into his own political rally. He argues the American experiment is a remarkable achievement worth celebrating in full, that "a more perfect union" is the single greatest phrase in the founding documents precisely because it acknowledges the country is a perpetual work in progress, and that the 250th should have been a moment to celebrate American progress rather than run from American history — to recognize that America is fundamentally an idea rather than an ethnicity. Instead, Trump has made the nation's birthday about Donald Trump: he created his own version of the celebration, turned "The Great American Fair" into a dud, and once again demonstrated his belief that everyone and everything must accommodate him. He says he feels genuinely betrayed watching the brand of America get sullied and cheapened this way, and argues the country desperately needs a president capable of rising above himself — something Trump has proven, again and again, he simply cannot do. He finds a silver lining in the Supreme Court blocking Trump's attempt to end birthright citizenship, arguing it proves this is a conservative court but not purely a Trump court — though he's sharply critical of the Court's campaign finance ruling, which he frames as a straightforward bailout of the Republican Party.. He closes by looking ahead: the Colorado primaries raised the question of whether the DSA movement has truly broken through. Then, Debbie Cox Bultan — CEO of the NewDEAL, a network of center-left state and local elected officials focused on delivering results rather than fighting culture wars — joins the Chuck Toddcast to make the case for the unglamorous, often-overlooked pragmatic wing of the Democratic Party. Bultan argues that the center-left's defining challenge is structural and almost temperamental: moderates and pragmatists are, by their very nature, not the loud part of the coalition, which means they get drowned out. She rejects the premise that "fighting the other side" has to mean yelling, argues that governing effectively is still the best way for talented officials to rise through the ranks. Bultan notes a crucial asymmetry that gives her hope: the left has not actually dominated Democratic primaries the way the right has captured GOP primaries, in part because the perception of electability matters far more to base Democratic voters than it does to the Republican base — and she points to how even Mamdani's focus on affordability carried genuine cross-party appeal as evidence that pragmatic, results-oriented messaging still works. The conversation digs into the deeper tensions facing the party heading into a favorable 2026 and a wide-open 2028. Bultan introduces the concept of "pragmatic disruption" — the idea tha
Alvaro Bedoya — the former FTC Commissioner whom Trump fired in an unprecedented break with a century of agency-independence norms — joins the Chuck Toddcast to explain why his firing matters far beyond his own career, and what it reveals about the collision between corporate power and consumer protection in the Trump era. Bedoya makes the legal case plainly: removal "for cause" is clearly written into the law, Congress needs to codify FTC independence, and while he's skeptical this Supreme Court will rule in favor of agency independence, the circumstances of his dismissal are damning — he believes he was fired specifically for suing companies that happened to be Trump donors. The Amazon case is his exhibit A: the FTC was actively pursuing Amazon until Trump intervened, and after Amazon funneled millions to Trump, the investigations simply evaporated — proof, Bedoya argues, that existing laws against bribery and corruption clearly aren't working. He walks through the sprawling, well-funded lobbying effort against meaningful privacy legislation, and offers vivid examples of how unchecked data collection harms ordinary people. His prescription is structural: America needs genuine restrictions on what data can be collected and how it can be used, paired with serious antitrust enforcement — but the agencies tasked with that work have been starved of the resources they need. The conversation opens up into a fascinating, wide-ranging debate about monopoly power and consolidation across the American economy. Bedoya argues that streaming bills were already climbing even before the proposed Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery merger — a deal he believes there's a clear consumer case to block. He notes that Thomas Jefferson once argued for an anti-monopoly amendment in the Bill of Rights, that consolidation has hammered workers across countless industries, and that America is now suffering a genuine "drought of creativity" because of relentless media mergers — pointing out that there are only three serious buyers of documentary films left, and that half of America's TV news archive is about to be owned by a single family. Bedoya is honest about the nuances (Costco throws its weight around but has genuinely been good for consumers; vertically integrated health insurers are universally loathed), wrestles with whether unilateral Democratic executive action is even the answer, and warns that in this environment it's dangerously easy for regulators to simply get overwhelmed. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Timeline: (Timestamps may vary based on advertisements) 00:00 Alvaro Bedoya joins the Chuck ToddCast 02:00 Trump broke a long standing norm
Chuck Todd opens with the Iran ceasefire collapsing as the U.S. and Iran trade strikes again — but the real story, he argues, is that the U.S. military just inadvertently revealed Trump was lying about the war all along. The targets American forces hit in this latest round were the very targets Trump claimed weeks ago had already been destroyed; either Iran somehow reconstituted its entire military in a single week, or the president lied to the country, and CENTCOM's own report makes clear which it was. He warns that lying about war is historically not a small thing for a president to survive, no matter how badly Trump wants to memory-hole the entire episode. He then turns to the escalating Democratic fight over taxing billionaires, taking a characteristically nuanced position: billionaires are genuinely undertaxed, but "tax the rich" doesn't work as actual policy the way it works as a slogan, the loopholes built into the code exist to avoid unintended consequences, and the changes to the inheritance "death tax" are responsible for an enormous share of current inequality. He assesses Zohran Mamdani taking a victory lap as the new face of the DSA (and increasingly comfortable as a face of the Democratic Party), praising him as a genuinely compelling performer and possible heir to the Bernie movement while questioning whether his story can travel beyond New York City. He closes with one of his favorite structural arguments — that the far-left and far-right are now feeding off each other's fear, that a faction doesn't need to capture the whole country, just one congressional caucus, and that the founders' actual protection against factions was supposed to be a multitude of them — which is exactly why the House was meant to scale with the population and why Congress's choice to freeze its size needs to be reversed. He also looks ahead at fascinating Colorado primaries. Finally, he hops into the ToddCast Time Machine to explain the origin of the name of the bikini swimsuit, and why America’s relationship with nuclear technology changed over time. He also answers listeners’ questions in the “Asl Chuck” segment. From the opening whistle to the final kick. Bet on a match and get bonus bets for every goal scored at Fanduel.com Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Timeline: (Timestamps may vary based on advertisements) 00:00 Chuck Todd’s introduction 05:15 U.S. and Iran trade strikes again, ceasefire not holding 06:15 The U.S. military basically revealed Trump was lying about the war 06:45 Historically, voters don’t accept lies from presidents about war 07:30 The targets
Chuck Todd opens with the Iran ceasefire collapsing as the U.S. and Iran trade strikes again — but the real story, he argues, is that the U.S. military just inadvertently revealed Trump was lying about the war all along. The targets American forces hit in this latest round were the very targets Trump claimed weeks ago had already been destroyed; either Iran somehow reconstituted its entire military in a single week, or the president lied to the country, and CENTCOM's own report makes clear which it was. He warns that lying about war is historically not a small thing for a president to survive, no matter how badly Trump wants to memory-hole the entire episode. He then turns to the escalating Democratic fight over taxing billionaires, taking a characteristically nuanced position: billionaires are genuinely undertaxed, but "tax the rich" doesn't work as actual policy the way it works as a slogan, the loopholes built into the code exist to avoid unintended consequences, and the changes to the inheritance "death tax" are responsible for an enormous share of current inequality. He assesses Zohran Mamdani taking a victory lap as the new face of the DSA (and increasingly comfortable as a face of the Democratic Party), praising him as a genuinely compelling performer and possible heir to the Bernie movement while questioning whether his story can travel beyond New York City. He closes with one of his favorite structural arguments — that the far-left and far-right are now feeding off each other's fear, that a faction doesn't need to capture the whole country, just one congressional caucus, and that the founders' actual protection against factions was supposed to be a multitude of them — which is exactly why the House was meant to scale with the population and why Congress's choice to freeze its size needs to be reversed. He also looks ahead at fascinating Colorado primaries. Then, Alvaro Bedoya — the former FTC Commissioner whom Trump fired in an unprecedented break with a century of agency-independence norms — joins the Chuck Toddcast to explain why his firing matters far beyond his own career, and what it reveals about the collision between corporate power and consumer protection in the Trump era. Bedoya makes the legal case plainly: removal "for cause" is clearly written into the law, Congress needs to codify FTC independence, and while he's skeptical this Supreme Court will rule in favor of agency independence, the circumstances of his dismissal are damning — he believes he was fired specifically for suing companies that happened to be Trump donors. The Amazon case is his exhibit A: the FTC was actively pursuing Amazon until Trump intervened, and after Amazon funneled millions to Trump, the investigations simply evaporated — proof, Bedoya argues, that existing laws against bribery and corruption clearly aren't working. He walks through the sprawling, well-funded lobbying effort against meaningful privacy legislation, and offers vivid
Chuck Todd opens with a programming note—the ToddCast moves to a Monday/Thursday schedule for July and August—before digging into the fallout from Zohran Mamdani-endorsed candidates sweeping New York's primaries. Chuck unpacks who powered the wins (younger, white progressives), argues that Mamdani's affordability focus rather than his endorsements was the real galvanizing force, and examines how Israel has become a litmus test on a left that, like MAGA, increasingly has little patience for the pluralism Chuck calls the heart of the American experiment—warning that when every issue becomes a litmus test, disagreement turns into something punishable. He weighs whether this is a singular New York moment or a broader realignment in which two uncompromising factions come to dominate both parties, with Abdul El-Sayed's Michigan Senate bid shaping up as the next big test. From there, Chuck turns to Trump blowing a chance to show voters he cares about affordability by refusing to sign a housing bill that already has veto-proof majorities—and how the president keeps making it nearly impossible for the GOP to govern heading into a brutal midterm stretch he's brought on himself. Finally, an alarming look at Pete Hegseth's overt politicization of the military: the firing of respected leaders like Chris Donahue, purges that appear to target officers for their race, gender, what they know, or their willingness to push back on illegal orders, the removal of the JAGs and the Pentagon press corps, and why Chuck argues that whoever Hegseth wants out may be exactly who the country needs leading it next. Then, Matt Bennett — co-founder and executive vice president of the center-left think tank Third Way — joins the Chuck Toddcast to offer a pragmatist's anxious assessment of what the Mamdani-led DSA surge in New York actually means for the future of the Democratic Party. Bennett's central worry is whether the New York primaries represent a genuine "Tea Party moment" for the left — which he frankly admits would be scary for Democrats — though he takes some comfort in the fact that the three districts Mamdani candidates won are extraordinarily deep blue, and argues the national Democratic electorate simply isn't as extreme as the Republican base, making the party much harder to hijack than the GOP was. Bennett draws a crucial distinction in how these races were actually won: Mamdani himself won on affordability, but many of his endorsees won on Israel, where anti-Israel sentiment has become the number-one voting issue for New York progressives. He's careful but direct on the antisemitism question — not all of the far-left are antisemites, he says, but they are increasingly making common cause with them, pointing to the antisemitic abuse Dan Goldman faced during his campaign — and argues that while antisemitism won't ultimately eat the Democratic Party, it absolutely needs to be contained. Bennett is sharply critical of the self-inflicted wounds of progressi
Chuck Todd opens with a programming note—the ToddCast moves to a Monday/Thursday schedule for July and August—before digging into the fallout from Zohran Mamdani-endorsed candidates sweeping New York's primaries. Chuck unpacks who powered the wins (younger, white progressives), argues that Mamdani's affordability focus rather than his endorsements was the real galvanizing force, and examines how Israel has become a litmus test on a left that, like MAGA, increasingly has little patience for the pluralism Chuck calls the heart of the American experiment—warning that when every issue becomes a litmus test, disagreement turns into something punishable. He weighs whether this is a singular New York moment or a broader realignment in which two uncompromising factions come to dominate both parties, with Abdul El-Sayed's Michigan Senate bid shaping up as the next big test. From there, Chuck turns to Trump blowing a chance to show voters he cares about affordability by refusing to sign a housing bill that already has veto-proof majorities—and how the president keeps making it nearly impossible for the GOP to govern heading into a brutal midterm stretch he's brought on himself. Finally, an alarming look at Pete Hegseth's overt politicization of the military: the firing of respected leaders like Chris Donahue, purges that appear to target officers for their race, gender, what they know, or their willingness to push back on illegal orders, the removal of the JAGs and the Pentagon press corps, and why Chuck argues that whoever Hegseth wants out may be exactly who the country needs leading it next. Finally, he answers listeners’ questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Thank you Wildgrain for sponsoring. Visit http://wildgrain.com/TODDCAST and use the code "TODDCAST" at checkout to receive $30 off your first box PLUS free Croissants for life! From the opening whistle to the final kick. Bet on a match and get bonus bets for every goal scored at Fanduel.com Timeline: (Timestamps may vary based on advertisements) 00:00 Chuck Todd’s introduction 00:15 Programming Note: July & August the ToddCast will be on M/TH only 03:30 Fallout from Mamdani endorsed candidates sweeping NYC primaries 04:30 Younger, white progressives powered Mamdani’s candidates 05:00 Mamdani was smart about where he spent his political capital 06:15 Unlikely there’s a wider swath of voters open to socialism 08:30 Mamdani’s affordability focus was galvanizing, not his endorsees 09:15 Israel has become a litmus test for some on the left 09:45 MAGA, and increasingly the progressive left don’t appreciate pluralism 10:15 Pluralism IS the American experiment 11:00 When every issue is a litmus test, disagreement becomes punishable</
Matt Bennett — co-founder and executive vice president of the center-left think tank Third Way — joins the Chuck Toddcast to offer a pragmatist's anxious assessment of what the Mamdani-led DSA surge in New York actually means for the future of the Democratic Party. Bennett's central worry is whether the New York primaries represent a genuine "Tea Party moment" for the left — which he frankly admits would be scary for Democrats — though he takes some comfort in the fact that the three districts Mamdani candidates won are extraordinarily deep blue, and argues the national Democratic electorate simply isn't as extreme as the Republican base, making the party much harder to hijack than the GOP was. Bennett draws a crucial distinction in how these races were actually won: Mamdani himself won on affordability, but many of his endorsees won on Israel, where anti-Israel sentiment has become the number-one voting issue for New York progressives. He's careful but direct on the antisemitism question — not all of the far-left are antisemites, he says, but they are increasingly making common cause with them, pointing to the antisemitic abuse Dan Goldman faced during his campaign — and argues that while antisemitism won't ultimately eat the Democratic Party, it absolutely needs to be contained. Bennett is sharply critical of the self-inflicted wounds of progressive governance (decriminalizing shoplifting was a disaster, he says), and argues the broader problem is that left-coded "performative nonsense" fundamentally changed how voters see the party — that the country rejected both Biden's progressive overreach and the left's woke cultural politics, and that Biden's real mistake was bragging he was the most progressive president since FDR. The conversation broadens into a rich strategic discussion about 2028 and the soul of the party. Bennett argues that parties are ultimately defined by their nominee, so Democrats will be fine if they simply get that choice right, and frames the Michigan Senate primary — where he's skeptical Abdul El-Sayed can beat Mike Rogers — as a fascinating case study in the tension between charisma and electability. He makes the case that charisma genuinely matters (Mamdani and El-Sayed have it), that "boring doesn't work" in modern politics, and that the biggest open question for 2028 is whether a center-left candidate can successfully run as a genuine change agent — because the status quo is extremely broken, and no one can win by running to preserve it. Bennett offers some encouraging signs for his wing of the party: Iowa is drifting back toward Democrats, James Talarico is a genuinely strong candidate in Texas, and candidate quality still matters enormously. He and Chuck dig into why Palestine became the defining progressive cause rather than the plight of the Uighurs, how social media and the collapse of civics education have sealed people into ideological bubbles, and why the word "socialism" means Norway to some voters a
Chuck Todd breaks down a seismic primary night in New York, where Mamdani-backed Democratic Socialist candidates swept their races — and argues the DSA may be on the verge of becoming the far-left equivalent of the Freedom Caucus, a small but disciplined faction capable of making the establishment's life genuinely miserable. The most stunning data point: Chuck argues Chuck Schumer likely couldn't win a Democratic primary anywhere in New York right now, that Dan Goldman lost his primary handily, and that while Schumer clearly shouldn't run again, politicians rarely walk away on their own. It was also a quietly bad night for Hakeem Jeffries, and Chuck raises the genuinely open question of whether Jeffries would even survive a primary challenge — and whether he still has a clear path to the speakership if Democrats take the House. The strategic lesson the left has internalized, Chuck argues, is that the smaller the Democratic majority, the more leverage a committed progressive bloc can apply, which means Democrats may have to govern in a fundamentally different way than their leadership wants. But Chuck repeatedly returns to the central tension: this brand of far-left politics plays beautifully in coastal cities but the socialist label simply doesn't travel well elsewhere, the rise of far-left politics has become uncomfortably intertwined with rising antisemitism, pro-Israel Democrats may soon find themselves politically homeless, and the real test will be whether progressives can win anywhere outside their urban strongholds. It all amounts, Chuck says, to a genuine fight for the heart and soul of the Democratic Party. He closes with a heartfelt remembrance of former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, who passed away at 100 — recalling a man who always grounded his opinions in data, and what a personal treat it was to have known him. Finally, skip the reflecting pool… Chuck presents his ToddCast Top 5 list of his favorite Washington D.C. monuments & answers listeners’ questions in the Ask Chuck segment. Link in bio or go to https://getsoul.com & enter code TODDCAST for 30% off your first order. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code CHUCKTODDCAST at the link below and get 60% off an annual plan: https://incogni.com/chucktoddcast Timeline: (Timestamps may vary based on advertisements) 00:00 Chuck Todd’s introduction 04:00 Mamdani backed DSA candidates sweep in NY primaries 06:00 Democratic socialists could become the far left equivalent of Freedom Caucus? 06:45 Chuck Schumer likely couldn’t win any Democratic primary in New York 07:30 Dan Goldman
Chuck Todd breaks down a seismic primary night in New York, where Mamdani-backed Democratic Socialist candidates swept their races — and argues the DSA may be on the verge of becoming the far-left equivalent of the Freedom Caucus, a small but disciplined faction capable of making the establishment's life genuinely miserable. The most stunning data point: Chuck argues Chuck Schumer likely couldn't win a Democratic primary anywhere in New York right now, that Dan Goldman lost his primary handily, and that while Schumer clearly shouldn't run again, politicians rarely walk away on their own. It was also a quietly bad night for Hakeem Jeffries, and Chuck raises the genuinely open question of whether Jeffries would even survive a primary challenge — and whether he still has a clear path to the speakership if Democrats take the House. The strategic lesson the left has internalized, Chuck argues, is that the smaller the Democratic majority, the more leverage a committed progressive bloc can apply, which means Democrats may have to govern in a fundamentally different way than their leadership wants. But Chuck repeatedly returns to the central tension: this brand of far-left politics plays beautifully in coastal cities but the socialist label simply doesn't travel well elsewhere, the rise of far-left politics has become uncomfortably intertwined with rising antisemitism, pro-Israel Democrats may soon find themselves politically homeless, and the real test will be whether progressives can win anywhere outside their urban strongholds. It all amounts, Chuck says, to a genuine fight for the heart and soul of the Democratic Party. He closes with a heartfelt remembrance of former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, who passed away at 100 — recalling a man who always grounded his opinions in data, and what a personal treat it was to have known him. Oklahoma City Mayor David Holt — the popular Republican who has won all three of his mayoral elections with at least 60% of the vote — joins the Chuck Toddcast to make an impassioned and deeply substantive case for pluralism as the foundation of the entire American experiment. Holt, who recently gave a notable speech on the subject, argues that the American system was fundamentally built on the acceptance of pluralism and the idea that compromise should produce something "good enough" rather than perfect for any single faction — and that the founders gave us a pretty good system specifically designed to channel disagreement away from political violence. The problem, Holt argues, is that the system is now actively making compromise harder. He points to closed partisan primaries as a central culprit: because he faces all voters rather than a narrow partisan base, he's incentivized to build consensus, but most candidates today are forced to pass bizarre litmus tests with base voters and campaign on culture-war messaging rather than the bread-and-butter issues people actually care about. The conversa
Oklahoma City Mayor David Holt — the popular Republican who has won all three of his mayoral elections with at least 60% of the vote — joins the Chuck Toddcast to make an impassioned and deeply substantive case for pluralism as the foundation of the entire American experiment. Holt, who recently gave a notable speech on the subject, argues that the American system was fundamentally built on the acceptance of pluralism and the idea that compromise should produce something "good enough" rather than perfect for any single faction — and that the founders gave us a pretty good system specifically designed to channel disagreement away from political violence. The problem, Holt argues, is that the system is now actively making compromise harder. He points to closed partisan primaries as a central culprit: because he faces all voters rather than a narrow partisan base, he's incentivized to build consensus, but most candidates today are forced to pass bizarre litmus tests with base voters and campaign on culture-war messaging rather than the bread-and-butter issues people actually care about. The conversation broadens into the structural and cultural threats Holt sees to a pluralistic society. He argues this era has revealed the long-ignored flaws in American democracy — that we've all taken the system for granted — and makes the case that getting rid of closed partisan primaries, sometimes through ballot initiatives, is one of the most important reforms available, provided it's done in a way that doesn't simply flip parties or states for partisan advantage but instead empowers minority-party voters to act as genuine swing votes. Holt is sharp on education's role in all of this: he worries that the voucherization of schools and the explosion of private schools risk teaching kids in ideological monocultures, and laments the erosion of civics education over the past two decades, noting that public schools deliberately deemphasized social studies after No Child Left Behind. He and Chuck dig into whether pluralism can even be taught or whether it has to be lived in a genuinely diverse place, the difficulty of having a nuanced public conversation about AI data centers, and the housing crisis that Holt argues is not getting nearly enough attention from either the national media or Washington — closing with a concrete look at what a federal housing bill would actually mean for a fast-growing city like Oklahoma City. Link in bio or go to https://getsoul.com & enter code TODDCAST for 30% off your first order. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code CHUCKTODDCAST at the link below and get 60% off an annual
Chuck Todd focuses this episode around a single, almost too-perfect metaphor: the reflecting pool Trump remade, where the paint is now visibly peeling off the concrete and the president is blaming vandals rather than his own shoddy work — a fitting symbol, Chuck argues, for a presidency defined by grandiose self-promotion and an inability to take responsibility for anything. He opens on the Iran fallout, where JD Vance is attending the latest round of negotiations while Marco Rubio is conspicuously MIA, MAGA is openly fracturing over the war and over support for Israel, and Trump's defenders are stuck trying to explain away an obvious capitulation.He warns that the Iranians have now learned to manipulate the markets the same way Trump does — opening and closing the Strait of Hormuz whenever they need cash — and that there will be no positives to come out of this war. From there Chuck pivots into one of his sharpest character indictments yet, arguing Trump is the worst role-model president in American history — a man who behaves like an elementary-school playground bully, and who constantly tries to steal other people's achievements.The contrast crystallized, Chuck says, in the split-screen of Obama's library dedication against Trump's UFC spectacle — the Obamas embodying the story of American meritocracy while Trump embodies inherited advantage squandered. That comparison leads Chuck into a genuinely nuanced reassessment of Obama's legacy: a successful president by traditional measures whose party nonetheless weakened badly on his watch, in part because there was no accountability for the financial crisis, no real effort to set up an heir apparent, and because Obama built a movement around himself rather than the party.He closes on Tuesday's pivotal New York primaries, where he argues the Democratic Socialists of America — led by Zohran Mamdani and AOC — are attempting a genuine takeover of New York Democratic politics, where the long-convenient "progressive" label is about to be torn apart to reveal the socialist faction underneath, and where the central question facing the entire party will be forced into the open: the socialist brand isn't automatically fatal, but it terrifies suburban voters, and a committed faction of supporters is all it takes to hijack a political party. Finally, Chuck hops into the ToddCast Time Machine to revisit the Korean War and its lasting legacy on both American culture and geopolitics. He also answers listeners’ questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment. Link in bio or go to https://getsoul.com & enter code TODDCAST for 30% off your first order. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Take your
Paul Taylor — former executive vice president of the Pew Research Center and author of This Is Getting Old — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a sweeping, data-rich conversation about the generation that has dominated American political life longer than any other: the Baby Boomers. Taylor's framing is striking — voters keep electing presidents born in 1946, and no generation in American history has enjoyed the kind of political hegemony Boomers have held since becoming the largest voting bloc in the 1980s. He argues this dominance has had real consequences as America approaches its 250th birthday in a genuinely dark place: CEO pay has ballooned from a 20-to-1 ratio to 300-to-1 on the Boomers' watch, their decisions have fueled the very populist backlash now reshaping both parties, and — in a deep irony — they spent decades undermining public confidence in the very institutions that benefited them most, helping imprint Trump's "everything is rigged" worldview onto the broader public. Taylor offers a wealth of arresting data points: Jimmy Carter is the only Democrat to win a majority of the Boomer vote in the last 14 elections, and the United States is the only country on earth where a majority of citizens believe their fellow citizens are morally bad — a stunning measure of how thoroughly Americans have turned on one another. The conversation broadens into questions of national identity, demographics, and where the country goes from here. Taylor argues that America is fundamentally a creedal nation rather than a "blood and soil" one, that it has accepted far more immigrants than any other country (though he's candid that too much immigration too fast tends to produce political and cultural backlash, and that the shift toward majority non-white immigration over the past 60 years has been a profound change), and that today's young generation celebrates difference — but a mosaic, he cautions, still needs glue to hold it together. Boomers, he notes, are the last living generation to experience America as something close to a monoculture, and the last to remember segregated America firsthand, which shapes their politics in ways younger generations struggle to understand. Taylor doesn't shy away from the harder verdicts: the generalization that Boomers are a narcissistic generation, he says, is fair. He and Todd explore the demographic time bomb of declining birth rates and an inverting age pyramid (and whether AI and robotics might paradoxically reduce the need for a baby boom), and trace a fascinating through-line from Gary Hart to Graham Platner on how the television era forced politicians to perform their character for the public — and how both Platner and Trump ultimately channel the same anger at a broken system. Taylor closes on a cautiously hopeful note that the next wave of American politics could be a backlash against the current divisiveness, even as he braces for the possibility that his fellow Boomers may not love what they re
Chuck Todd focuses this episode around a single, almost too-perfect metaphor: the reflecting pool Trump remade, where the paint is now visibly peeling off the concrete and the president is blaming vandals rather than his own shoddy work — a fitting symbol, Chuck argues, for a presidency defined by grandiose self-promotion and an inability to take responsibility for anything. He opens on the Iran fallout, where JD Vance is attending the latest round of negotiations while Marco Rubio is conspicuously MIA, MAGA is openly fracturing over the war and over support for Israel, and Trump's defenders are stuck trying to explain away an obvious capitulation.He warns that the Iranians have now learned to manipulate the markets the same way Trump does — opening and closing the Strait of Hormuz whenever they need cash — and that there will be no positives to come out of this war. From there Chuck pivots into one of his sharpest character indictments yet, arguing Trump is the worst role-model president in American history — a man who behaves like an elementary-school playground bully, and who constantly tries to steal other people's achievements.The contrast crystallized, Chuck says, in the split-screen of Obama's library dedication against Trump's UFC spectacle — the Obamas embodying the story of American meritocracy while Trump embodies inherited advantage squandered. That comparison leads Chuck into a genuinely nuanced reassessment of Obama's legacy: a successful president by traditional measures whose party nonetheless weakened badly on his watch, in part because there was no accountability for the financial crisis, no real effort to set up an heir apparent, and because Obama built a movement around himself rather than the party.He closes on Tuesday's pivotal New York primaries, where he argues the Democratic Socialists of America — led by Zohran Mamdani and AOC — are attempting a genuine takeover of New York Democratic politics, where the long-convenient "progressive" label is about to be torn apart to reveal the socialist faction underneath, and where the central question facing the entire party will be forced into the open: the socialist brand isn't automatically fatal, but it terrifies suburban voters, and a committed faction of supporters is all it takes to hijack a political party. Then, Paul Taylor — former executive vice president of the Pew Research Center and author of This Is Getting Old — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a sweeping, data-rich conversation about the generation that has dominated American political life longer than any other: the Baby Boomers. Taylor's framing is striking — voters keep electing presidents born in 1946, and no generation in American history has enjoyed the kind of political hegemony Boomers have held since becoming the largest voting bloc in the 1980s. He argues this dominance has had real consequences as America approaches its 250th birthday in a genuinely dark place: CEO pay has ballooned from a
Chuck opens the podcast with a wide-ranging look at what he sees as the long-term impact of the Trump administration's foreign policy. He argues that the United States has weakened many of the alliances and institutions that underpinned American influence for decades, raising questions about whether key partners in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East can still rely on Washington as a stable security partner. Then Chuck is joined by Eurasia Group founder Ian Bremmer for an in-depth conversation about the aftermath of the Iran war, the future of the Middle East, and the growing geopolitical uncertainty facing America's allies. Bremmer explains why he believes the conflict has fundamentally altered regional dynamics, creating competing power blocs led by the UAE and Israel on one side and Saudi Arabia and its partners on the other. He also discusses China's opportunities in the region, the future of Iran's regime, and why the biggest long-term consequence of the conflict may be an accelerated global shift away from oil and gas. The conversation then turns to Russia and Ukraine, where Bremmer delivers a stark warning: Vladimir Putin may now represent the world's most dangerous geopolitical risk. He explains why he is increasingly concerned about Putin's isolation, decision-making, and willingness to escalate as the war continues. In Ask Chuck, listeners ask about Democratic impeachment scenarios, presidential war powers, the future of the Republican Party, and other political questions shaping the road to 2028. Thank you Wildgrain for sponsoring. Visit http://wildgrain.com/TODDCAST and use the code "TODDCAST" at checkout to receive $30 off your first box PLUS free Croissants for life! Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Try ShipStation free for 60 days with full access to all features, No credit card needed! Go to https://ShipStation.com and use code TODDCAST for 60 days for free! Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code CHUCKTODDCAST at the link below and get 60% off an annual plan: https://incogni.com/chucktoddcast Timeline: (Timestamps may vary due to advertisements)02:21 Opening Thoughts: The Fallout from Iran07:53 Why Trump Isn't Really an Isolationist
Chuck takes a wide-ranging look at what he sees as the long-term impact of the Trump administration's foreign policy. He argues that the United States has weakened many of the alliances and institutions that underpinned American influence for decades, raising questions about whether key partners in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East can still rely on Washington as a stable security partner. In Ask Chuck, listeners ask about Democratic impeachment scenarios, presidential war powers, the future of the Republican Party, and other political questions shaping the road to 2028. Thank you Wildgrain for sponsoring. Visit http://wildgrain.com/TODDCAST and use the code "TODDCAST" at checkout to receive $30 off your first box PLUS free Croissants for life! Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Try ShipStation free for 60 days with full access to all features, No credit card needed! Go to https://ShipStation.com and use code TODDCAST for 60 days for free! Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code CHUCKTODDCAST at the link below and get 60% off an annual plan: https://incogni.com/chucktoddcast Timeline:(Timestamps may vary due to advertisements) 02:21 Opening Thoughts: Did America Lose in Iran?07:21 Why Trump Isn't Really an Isolationist12:33 The Collapse of America's Global Security Architecture17:22 How Allies Are Learning to Live Without America20:51 The New Middle East Taking Shape24:18 Trump's Next Foreign Policy Target: Cuba27:34 Ask Chuck Begins28:23 Would Impeaching Trump Backfire on Democrats?33:40 Presidential War Powers Explained39:25 Can America Move Toward Coalition Politics?43:49 The Challenge of Verifying Information in Modern Media48:54 Are Swing Voters the Least Represented Americans?54:54 Why BYU Could Thrive in the NIL Era1:00:17 Great Man Theory vs. The Times Make the Leader1:06:36
Chuck is joined by Eurasia Group founder Ian Bremmer for an in-depth conversation about the aftermath of the Iran war, the future of the Middle East, and the growing geopolitical uncertainty facing America's allies. Bremmer explains why he believes the conflict has fundamentally altered regional dynamics, creating competing power blocs led by the UAE and Israel on one side and Saudi Arabia and its partners on the other. He also discusses China's opportunities in the region, the future of Iran's regime, and why the biggest long-term consequence of the conflict may be an accelerated global shift away from oil and gas. The conversation then turns to Russia and Ukraine, where Bremmer delivers a stark warning: Vladimir Putin may now represent the world's most dangerous geopolitical risk. He explains why he is increasingly concerned about Putin's isolation, decision-making, and willingness to escalate as the war continues. Thank you Wildgrain for sponsoring. Visit http://wildgrain.com/TODDCAST and use the code "TODDCAST" at checkout to receive $30 off your first box PLUS free Croissants for life! Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Try ShipStation free for 60 days with full access to all features, No credit card needed! Go to https://ShipStation.com and use code TODDCAST for 60 days for free! Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code CHUCKTODDCAST at the link below and get 60% off an annual plan: https://incogni.com/chucktoddcast Timeline (Timestamps may vary due to advertisements) 02:21 Ian Bremmer Joins the Podcast06:03 Why the Iran Deal Is a Failure for Trump12:25 How the Middle East Is Reordering Itself20:19 The UAE, Saudi Arabia & Competing Power Blocs28:23 Iran's Future and the End of Oil Dominance35:50 China's Growing Influence in the Middle East42:23 North Korea, Putin & Global Security Risks49:46 Cuba, Trump, and the Western Hemisphere56:05 World Cup, Knicks & Closing ThoughtsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Chuck Todd and J.A. Adande talk with NBA Hall of Famer Chris Mullin to discuss the evolution of the Golden State Warriors from the Run TMC era to the Steph Curry dynasty. Mullin reflects on his time alongside Tim Hardaway and Mitch Richmond, explains why Run TMC was broken up before reaching its full potential, and shares how the We Believe Warriors helped reignite basketball in the Bay Area. As a former Warriors executive, he also takes us inside the moves that helped lay the foundation for one of the greatest dynasties in sports history. We also dive into Steph Curry's impact on basketball, the evolution of the three-point shot, the legendary 1992 Dream Team, the KD Warriors, and whether Golden State's championship teams will stand the test of time.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Historian Dominic Erdozain — author of To Love a Country — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a deeply thoughtful conversation about the difference between Americanism and the actual promise of America, and what it means to love a country honestly rather than mythologically. Erdozain argues that Joe Biden's "this is not who we are" framing of Trump-era nationalism was simply not accurate — the darker currents in American life are very much part of who we've always been, and pretending otherwise makes them harder to confront. He pushes back hard on the version of American exceptionalism that requires looking down on others, noting that while America was a genuine pioneer of democracy, it was painfully slow on feminism and racial equality, and that democracy itself can become a hollow shell for something tyrannical when it's imposed rather than consented to. Erdozain offers a fascinating historical excavation of how the South's distinct identity was forged by the Civil War, why that war seeded the worst possible conditions for Black freedom, and how Germany managed to avoid the "lost cause" mythology that still poisons American politics. He even takes aim at the Gettysburg Address — arguing its soaring language was later weaponized to justify wars it was never meant to bless, and that the enduring American myth that unity comes through blood and conflict is a dangerous one. The conversation broadens into a sweeping meditation on patriotism, war, and historical memory. Erdozain observes that today's reviled "elites" are essentially the "Yankees" of the 19th century in the Southern imagination, that the greatest war hawks tend to be people who never actually fought, and that America still hasn't reckoned with how profoundly 9/11 changed its society — pointing out that the people who championed the Iraq war have never been ostracized for it. He reflects on John F. Kennedy's hard-won realization that weapons alone were never the true guarantor of American security and Kennedy's deliberate effort to dampen American hatred of the Soviets, contrasts that with the "peace through strength" mantra of the Reagan era, and warns about the very real danger of a proxy conflict spiraling out of Ukraine. Erdozain argues that the "city on a hill" mentality, however flattering, inevitably curdles into nationalism — and that whenever a country fully embraces nationalism, someone always loses their freedom. But his book isn't a counsel of despair: he makes the case that America's singular ability to assimilate immigrants is one of its true superpowers, and that genuine patriotism means challenging the country to actually live up to the ideals it committed to paper. His closing pitch for why both a liberal and a conservative should read the book is the heart of the whole conversation — loving a country, like loving a person, means holding it to its highest self rather than excusing its worst instincts. Link in bio or go to https://getsoul.com & enter
Chuck Todd reacts to Tuesday's elections and what the fallout means for both parties. Then he discusses the latest on the US-Iran deal and why it's already a failure for the Trump administration, and why the Kennedy Center and White House ballroom drama signals the beginning of the end for the Trump era. Also, he discusses the most underreported story of the week. Plus, the Top 5 most underrated elections and "Ask Chuck". Timeline: (Timestamps may vary due to advertisements): 01:42 - Election reaction 12:22 - Failure for Trump in Iran 23:59 - Beginning of end of Trump era 36:11 - Week's most underreported story 49:13 - Top 5 most underrated elections 58:43 - Ask Chuck See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Chuck Todd reacts to Tuesday's elections and what the fallout means for both parties. Then he discusses the latest on the US-Iran deal and why it's already a failure for the Trump administration, and why the Kennedy Center and White House ballroom drama signals the beginning of the end for the Trump era. Plus, he discusses the most underreported story of the week.Then historian Dominic Erdozain — author of To Love a Country — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a deeply thoughtful conversation about the difference between Americanism and the actual promise of America, and what it means to love a country honestly rather than mythologically. Erdozain argues that Joe Biden's "this is not who we are" framing of Trump-era nationalism was simply not accurate — the darker currents in American life are very much part of who we've always been, and pretending otherwise makes them harder to confront. He pushes back hard on the version of American exceptionalism that requires looking down on others, noting that while America was a genuine pioneer of democracy, it was painfully slow on feminism and racial equality, and that democracy itself can become a hollow shell for something tyrannical when it's imposed rather than consented to. Erdozain offers a fascinating historical excavation of how the South's distinct identity was forged by the Civil War, why that war seeded the worst possible conditions for Black freedom, and how Germany managed to avoid the "lost cause" mythology that still poisons American politics. He even takes aim at the Gettysburg Address — arguing its soaring language was later weaponized to justify wars it was never meant to bless, and that the enduring American myth that unity comes through blood and conflict is a dangerous one.The conversation broadens into a sweeping meditation on patriotism, war, and historical memory. Erdozain observes that today's reviled "elites" are essentially the "Yankees" of the 19th century in the Southern imagination, that the greatest war hawks tend to be people who never actually fought, and that America still hasn't reckoned with how profoundly 9/11 changed its society — pointing out that the people who championed the Iraq war have never been ostracized for it. He reflects on John F. Kennedy's hard-won realization that weapons alone were never the true guarantor of American security and Kennedy's deliberate effort to dampen American hatred of the Soviets, contrasts that with the "peace through strength" mantra of the Reagan era, and warns about the very real danger of a proxy conflict spiraling out of Ukraine. Erdozain argues that the "city on a hill" mentality, however flattering, inevitably curdles into nationalism — and that whenever a country fully embraces nationalism, someone always loses their freedom. But his book isn't a counsel of despair: he makes the case that America's singular ability to assimilate immigrants is one of its true superpowers, and that genuine patriotism means challen
Daniel Alegre — CEO of TelevisaUnivision, the largest Spanish-language media company in the world — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a genuinely revealing conversation about the single most misunderstood bloc in American politics: the Hispanic vote. Alegre's central argument is one both parties keep failing to internalize — the Hispanic vote is now an issues vote, not a reliably Democratic one, and Latino voters have become measurably more engaged precisely as they've started shopping their vote across abortion, democracy, the border, the economy, and immigration enforcement. He's blunt about 2024: the Trump campaign communicated with Hispanic voters far more effectively than Democrats did, while Democrats took the community for granted. Alegre offers a striking data point from Texas — James Talarico outspent Jasmine Crockett 8-to-1 on Hispanic outreach and won that demographic by roughly the same margin — and notes that Ted Cruz never actually won the Hispanic vote until he put in serious, sustained effort to reach them. The tactical lessons are sharp and counterintuitive: campaigns have to communicate with Hispanics differently than the general population, white politicians attempting to speak Spanish get a mixed reception at best, and sending a Spanish-speaking surrogate in your place is actually worse than not showing up at all. The conversation digs into the rich complexity beneath the catch-all term "Hispanic." Alegre explains that political leanings differ dramatically by country of origin (the network's biggest constituencies are Mexican, Cuban, and Venezuelan), that there are significant differences between first- and second-generation Latinos and the third and fourth generation, and that in more heavily Hispanic cities many families are actively maintaining their heritage rather than assimilating — even using AI now to translate content for the genuinely different variations of Spanish across Latin American communities. He shares polling that should reshape how candidates pitch themselves: two-thirds of Hispanics say they're barely getting by, 80% are lending money to family or community, and yet over 90% still want to live the American dream — which is exactly why optimistic messaging resonates with Latinos while doom-and-gloom falls flat. Alegre addresses the perennial accusations of bias against his network (he argues it moved not to the right but to the center after the Jorge Ramos era, with a goal of providing information and letting the audience decide), reflects on Mexico electing a Jewish woman in Claudia Sheinbaum, and explains the network's massive sports footprint — it broadcasts 70% of soccer games in the U.S. and holds major World Cup rights. His closing message is one neither party can afford to ignore heading into the midterms: Hispanics are the swing vote in America now, and any campaign that treats them as a monolith — or worse, as a constituency it already owns — is going to lo
Chuck Todd opens on the surreal split-screen of a president desperate to manufacture a legacy: in the same stretch of days, Trump announced a "deal" with Iran, and hosted a UFC fight on the White House lawn. He argues the Iran deal is barely a deal at all — it's an agreement to begin a new negotiation, the diplomatic equivalent of trying to salvage a tie from a war that was always an own goal. The stated goal was to dismantle Iran's nuclear program; instead Iran never capitulated, will see roughly $24 billion in assets unfrozen along with oil export relief, and is essentially being paid off by the United States to reopen the Strait of Hormuz it closed in the first place. Chuck’s verdict is blunt: Iran didn't win the war outright, but it absolutely humiliated the United States, the deal looks far closer to an Iranian victory than an American one, it pointedly excludes Iran's proxies and effectively bails out Hezbollah, and it may actually increase Iran's incentive to pursue a nuclear weapon down the line — assuming the whole fragile arrangement doesn't simply fall apart by Friday. The biggest loser of the entire episode, Chuck argues, is Bibi Netanyahu, who alienated a generation of Democrats and thought he could manipulate Trump only to get burned, much as Trump assumed Iran would fold as easily as he believed Venezuela would. He gives Trump exactly one piece of credit — at least he knew when to fold, because the outcome could have been far worse — before pivoting to the deeper, sadder story underneath all of it: a president obsessed with celebrating himself and desperate for lasting recognition, who wants to define popular culture, slap his name on the federal government the way he does his golf courses, and who threw himself a grotesque UFC-fight birthday party on the White House lawn that's terrible politics. Finally, Chuck hops into the ToddCast Time Machine to revisit June 17th, 1994… when OJ Simpson was chased by police in his white Ford Broncos. He argues that news executives learned that sensationalized news coverage could create a large, reliable viewership… and this would change the news business forever. He also answers listeners’ questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment. Link in bio or go to https://getsoul.com & enter code TODDCAST for 30% off your first order. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Refresh your wardrobe with Quince. Go to https://Quince.com/chuck for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Timeline: (Timestamps may vary based on advertisements) 00:00 Chuck Todd’s introduction 03:30 Trump announces deal with Iran, 04:00 Trump hosts UFC fight on White House lawn 04:30 White House lashes out at the Weather Channel for storm forecast 05:15 Trump is trying so hard to leave h
Chuck Todd opens on the surreal split-screen of a president desperate to manufacture a legacy: in the same stretch of days, Trump announced a "deal" with Iran, and hosted a UFC fight on the White House lawn. He argues the Iran deal is barely a deal at all — it's an agreement to begin a new negotiation, the diplomatic equivalent of trying to salvage a tie from a war that was always an own goal. The stated goal was to dismantle Iran's nuclear program; instead Iran never capitulated, will see roughly $24 billion in assets unfrozen along with oil export relief, and is essentially being paid off by the United States to reopen the Strait of Hormuz it closed in the first place. Chuck’s verdict is blunt: Iran didn't win the war outright, but it absolutely humiliated the United States, the deal looks far closer to an Iranian victory than an American one, it pointedly excludes Iran's proxies and effectively bails out Hezbollah, and it may actually increase Iran's incentive to pursue a nuclear weapon down the line — assuming the whole fragile arrangement doesn't simply fall apart by Friday. The biggest loser of the entire episode, Chuck argues, is Bibi Netanyahu, who alienated a generation of Democrats and thought he could manipulate Trump only to get burned, much as Trump assumed Iran would fold as easily as he believed Venezuela would. He gives Trump exactly one piece of credit — at least he knew when to fold, because the outcome could have been far worse — before pivoting to the deeper, sadder story underneath all of it: a president obsessed with celebrating himself and desperate for lasting recognition, who wants to define popular culture, slap his name on the federal government the way he does his golf courses, and who threw himself a grotesque UFC-fight birthday party on the White House lawn that's terrible politics. Then, Daniel Alegre — CEO of TelevisaUnivision, the largest Spanish-language media company in the world — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a genuinely revealing conversation about the single most misunderstood bloc in American politics: the Hispanic vote. Alegre's central argument is one both parties keep failing to internalize — the Hispanic vote is now an issues vote, not a reliably Democratic one, and Latino voters have become measurably more engaged precisely as they've started shopping their vote across abortion, democracy, the border, the economy, and immigration enforcement. He's blunt about 2024: the Trump campaign communicated with Hispanic voters far more effectively than Democrats did. Alegre offers a striking data point from Texas — James Talarico outspent Jasmine Crockett 8-to-1 on Hispanic outreach and won that demographic by roughly the same margin — and notes that Ted Cruz never actually won the Hispanic vote until he put in serious, sustained effort to reach them. The tactical lessons are sharp and counterintuitive: campaigns have to communicate with Hispanics differently than the general
Cultural critic Chuck Klosterman — author of But What If We're Wrong?, The Nineties, and now a new book simply titled Football — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a fascinating, genre-bending conversation that's part memoir, part sports analysis, and part thought experiment about how a singular American obsession will be remembered centuries from now. Klosterman frames the book as a "living obituary" for football, working from his signature premise that over enough time, almost everything fades until a single simplified narrative is all that survives — and that football, despite being the one true common denominator of the modern American experience (it overtook baseball as the most popular sport by the 1970s, even though people at the time didn't realize it), will almost certainly not remain central to the culture a few decades from now. He and Chuck explore how perception dramatically changes over time , how the internet has fundamentally altered our relationship with time itself, and why arguments against the internet today sound exactly like the arguments people once made against television. Klosterman, who only half-jokingly says his "beat" these days is simply reality, argues that we now consume social media on the working assumption that what we're seeing isn't real — a profound shift in how humans relate to information. The conversation winds through some genuinely original territory about why football works the way it does and what its eventual decline might look like. Klosterman argues football is a fundamentally cerebral sport with intense but widely dispersed moments of action (the Wall Street Journal famously found only 11 minutes of actual action in a three-hour broadcast), that its sheer complexity and total absence of free-flowing movement is exactly why it's never exported well, and that it nearly became a literal embodiment of American exceptionalism. He and Todd dig into whether the NFL can over-expand into a 12-month product, why football is the one American sport that could plausibly survive on pay-per-view, and how the league walks a razor's edge between the maximum physicality fans crave and the safety changes that are slowly, quietly trying to remove hitting from the game — even as the ever-present risk of injury is precisely what raises the stakes and makes it so engaging. There's a wonderful tangent on COVID and 9/11 as the two great timeline-dividing events of the modern era (one slow and shared globally, one sudden and strange), including Chuck's own reflection that the pandemic was unexpectedly a bonding experience with his kids. Klosterman closes by previewing his next book — an alternate history of rock and roll — and delivering a characteristically provocative argument that rock effectively ended as a meaningful art form in the 1990s, that having access to all the music ever recorded has paradoxically led people to listen to the same 600 songs, and that he genuinely regrets
Chuck Todd opens with the grim news that the Iran conflict is hot again as both sides resume exchanging strikes — and his blunt assessment is that nothing has actually changed since Trump was begging for a deal a month ago. He argues Trump has mismanaged this war from the very beginning with no clear goal, that he and Israel started it with vastly different objectives, and that he stubbornly refuses to accept a deal that looks like the one Obama got even though that's the only realistic off-ramp available. The brutal truth, Chuck says, is that Trump can't airstrike his way to victory, and if he was never willing to commit ground troops, he never should have started the war in the first place — the Iranians now hold more leverage than the United States, and it's entirely Trump's fault that they do. He delivers one of his sharpest character indictments yet, arguing Trump "failed upwards" to the most powerful job on earth and is now half-assing his way through the presidency the same way he half-assed his way through life, while Vance and Rubio scramble to avoid any ownership of the war.With inflation rising for a third straight month, Chuck sees no path for any of this to improve before the midterms. But the heart of the episode is a deep, genuinely illuminating dive into a new Pew survey that Chuck calls possibly the best available tool for understanding the actual American electorate — one that shatters the illusion created by social media. The data reveals nine distinct political archetypes (three on the left, three in the middle, three on the right), that the ideological extremes make up only about 15% of the country and are the whitest segments, and that the loud, combative bases dominating online discourse aren't remotely close to a majority. The middle, he notes, is a full 38% of the electorate, with the center-left as the single largest group; the Reagan Republican coalition is measurably gone, reduced to just 11%; the civil war inside the American left is already underway with skeptical progressives who'll never vote Republican but may simply not vote at all; and the MAGA-religious right remains a fortress of reliable voters, with erosion showing up in exactly one place — younger voters. His takeaway is the one that should reshape how both parties think: the persuadable middle is repulsed most by the far left and far right, the party bases are precisely what cause the parties to struggle electorally, and the opportunity for independents has genuinely never been better — because what happens online simply is not reflective of who actually shows up to vote. Then, cultural critic Chuck Klosterman — author of But What If We're Wrong?, The Nineties, and now a new book simply titled Football — joins the Chuck Toddcast for a fascinating, genre-bending conversation that's part memoir, part sports analysis, and part thought experiment about how a singular American obsession will be remembered centuries
Chuck Todd opens with the grim news that the Iran conflict is hot again as both sides resume exchanging strikes — and his blunt assessment is that nothing has actually changed since Trump was begging for a deal a month ago. He argues Trump has mismanaged this war from the very beginning with no clear goal, that he and Israel started it with vastly different objectives, and that he stubbornly refuses to accept a deal that looks like the one Obama got even though that's the only realistic off-ramp available. The brutal truth, Chuck says, is that Trump can't airstrike his way to victory, and if he was never willing to commit ground troops, he never should have started the war in the first place — the Iranians now hold more leverage than the United States, and it's entirely Trump's fault that they do. He delivers one of his sharpest character indictments yet, arguing Trump "failed upwards" to the most powerful job on earth and is now half-assing his way through the presidency the same way he half-assed his way through life, while Vance and Rubio scramble to avoid any ownership of the war.With inflation rising for a third straight month, Chuck sees no path for any of this to improve before the midterms. But the heart of the episode is a deep, genuinely illuminating dive into a new Pew survey that Chuck calls possibly the best available tool for understanding the actual American electorate — one that shatters the illusion created by social media. The data reveals nine distinct political archetypes (three on the left, three in the middle, three on the right), that the ideological extremes make up only about 15% of the country and are the whitest segments, and that the loud, combative bases dominating online discourse aren't remotely close to a majority. The middle, he notes, is a full 38% of the electorate, with the center-left as the single largest group; the Reagan Republican coalition is measurably gone, reduced to just 11%; the civil war inside the American left is already underway with skeptical progressives who'll never vote Republican but may simply not vote at all; and the MAGA-religious right remains a fortress of reliable voters, with erosion showing up in exactly one place — younger voters. His takeaway is the one that should reshape how both parties think: the persuadable middle is repulsed most by the far left and far right, the party bases are precisely what cause the parties to struggle electorally, and the opportunity for independents has genuinely never been better — because what happens online simply is not reflective of who actually shows up to vote. Finally, he answers listeners’ questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment. Link in bio or go to https://getsoul.com & enter code TODDCAST for 30% off your first order. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary.
Chuck Todd opens with the resolution of a story he's been tracking for weeks: Graham Platner cruised to victory in Maine, comfortably clearing 70% even with Janet Mills' name still on the ballot — which he says means the scandals that had Platner in "save my campaign" mode turned out to be far less than a five-alarm fire. The deeper lesson, Chuck argues, is uncomfortable but revealing: for a significant share of Democratic primary voters, high character has become a luxury item, because the base is so exhausted by losing and capitulating to the establishment that it will forgive a flawed candidate who actually seems willing to fight. He notes that Maine has gotten meaningfully bluer since Susan Collins was last on the ballot (Harris underperformed nationally but actually drew more raw votes in Maine than Biden did), that a generic Democrat should win this seat by six or seven points, and that the only real question left is how many squeamish Democrats sit the race out rather than pull the lever for Platner. He runs through the rest of the night — Lindsey Graham narrowly avoided a runoff in South Carolina, the GOP gubernatorial race there is headed to a runoff that knocked out both Nancy Mace and Ralph Norman — and pulls back to identify the defining theme of the entire 2026 cycle: everyone, in both parties, is running on a message of change, with no candidate anywhere running on restoration the way Biden did in 2020. The messaging this cycle is relentlessly future-focused, the exact opposite of Trump's nostalgia, and Chuck reiterates his running observation that the worst possible first name to have in politics right now is "congressman" — because Washington experience carries zero value to voters this cycle. The split-screen between the parties remains stark: Republican voters still reward confrontation while Democratic primary voters are gravitating toward electability and consensus, Democratic turnout is rising while GOP turnout is flat or falling, and the throughline that's held for a decade is only intensifying — voters are demanding major change, and they'll punish anyone who doesn't offer it. Then, Lauren Pinkston — the independent candidate for governor of Tennessee — joins the Chuck Toddcast to make the case that the deepest problem in her state isn't left versus right, it's the near-total absence of two-party competition that has allowed one-party rule to calcify into something genuinely unhealthy. Pinkston, who was raised in an evangelical environment where she was taught that voting Democrat meant going to hell, offers a fascinating personal and political journey: she lived in communist Laos where people were persecuted for their faith, which gave her a firsthand understanding of why the Founders deliberately kept Christianity out of the Constitution, and she's now running explicitly against the kind of Christian nationalism that teaches America was divinely ordained. She argues Citizens United is a major reason Tennessee b
Lauren Pinkston — the independent candidate for governor of Tennessee — joins the Chuck Toddcast to make the case that the deepest problem in her state isn't left versus right, it's the near-total absence of two-party competition that has allowed one-party rule to calcify into something genuinely unhealthy. Pinkston, who was raised in an evangelical environment where she was taught that voting Democrat meant going to hell, offers a fascinating personal and political journey: she lived in communist Laos where people were persecuted for their faith, which gave her a firsthand understanding of why the Founders deliberately kept Christianity out of the Constitution, and she's now running explicitly against the kind of Christian nationalism that teaches America was divinely ordained. She argues Citizens United is a major reason Tennessee became so uncompetitive, walks through the mechanical difficulties of mounting a serious independent campaign, and contends that Marsha Blackburn isn't nearly as strong a candidate as she thinks she is. The conversation digs into Pinkston's actual governing vision and her theory of how an independent can build a winning coalition in one of the reddest states in the country. She wants to reform education and make teaching a genuinely fun profession again, and she's passionate about the way Nashville soaks up all the state's political investment while Memphis gets neglected — pointing out that crime in Memphis is at a 20-year low yet the city still can't attract investment, and that St. Jude is struggling to recruit talent because of H1-B visa denials. Pinkston is candid about the structural obstacles: Tennessee's constitution doesn't even allow for ballot measures, the GOP holds a stranglehold on the statehouse, and Republican leadership has been kicking moderate candidates off the ballot entirely. But she argues there's a real opening — Republicans in the state are looking for an offramp that isn't a Democrat, and even staunch Democrats are frustrated with their own party. Pinkston is energized about working with the Working Families Party and the Forward Party to build toward a more moderate, genuinely competitive two-party system, argues this is the strongest group of independent candidates to run in years, and wonders aloud whether being "too educated" has perversely become a negative quality in a candidate. She closes with a sharp observation that cuts to the heart of the whole project: Americans demand more than two options for literally everything in their lives except politics, politicians increasingly rely on performance over substance, and the stakes couldn't be higher. Link in bio or go to https://getsoul.com & enter code TODDCAST for 30% off your first order. Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/chuck. Application times may vary. Rates may vary. Timeline: (Timestamps may vary
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